The more intensive someone's drug consumption, the more likely he or she was to have sexual experiences as well, starting from an earlier age, with more frequent changes of sexual partners, and with a wider range of sexual practices employed. Experts viewed this confluence in light of the social conditions of youth: The use of heroin was thus understood not only in terms of youth but also of sex and gender. Young girls were believed to be the passive victims of seduction to both drugs and sexual intercourse, which in turn implied a greater need for control.
This gendered difference was also based on different meanings in regard to the nation state: These general convictions about youth as crisis were complemented by a historically specific perception of youth in crisis during the s. Following on the economic crisis of and the successive dismantling of the welfare state, the social conditions of youth and especially their prospects for upward mobility looked rather dim; from the mids, youth unemployment continued to be alarmingly high.
The unemployment rate among heroin users was higher the longer and more severely heroin was used. Unemployment was and is an effect rather than a cause for heroin consumption. Bezeichnenderweise fanden sich bei Demonstrationskrawallen, gewaltsamen Hausbesetzungen, Gefangenenbefreiungen und Terroristenaktionen Personen aus der Drogen-Szene oder mit Verbindungen zu ihr.
Hans-Wolfgang Sternsdorff and Paul Lersch.
As scholars like Robert P. Stephens have shown, two positions 54 the liberalization and growing permissiveness that supposedly came with it was complemented by a critique of the Fordist welfare state and its supposed passivating effects on young people in particular: There is a lack of demand in regard to the shaping and mastering of one's life: Individual and familial provisions [Daseinsvorsorge] are being handed over to collective governmental and social institutions welfare state. Young people are learning passive experiences on multiple levels e.
Drug use thus needed to be viewed as one possible effect of this deep social crisis. The crises that were touching the core of society were met with a crisis of its borders. Stephens, Germans on Drugs, Liberal and left-wing views on drug consumption will be explored in more detail in section 4.
Junge Menschen lernen vielfach passives Erleben z. Immigration and drug import both demonstrated the fragility of national borders and of national identity based on ethnic purity in a globalized world. The topic of migration and convictions regarding drug use and sexually deviant behaviour of young girls were connected in the motif of white slavery.
Transcript, , West Berlin was seen as especially vulnerable in this regard. As West German authorities did not acknowledge the German Democratic Republic as a state, its borders were not being controlled by West German customs agents. These threatening interconnected developments could be attributed, at least in part, to specific urban spaces. Die Dirnen dankten den netten Umgang durch bereitwilligen Dienst beim Herointransport.
Here, criminologists like Arthur Kreuzer suspected the merging of milieus of drugs, migration and prostitution, turning these districts into counter-sites to the bourgeois order of the city. For the city did not just provide spaces for an already existing delinquency. In contrast to previous decades, urban space was now also seen as a potential cause for aberrant adolescent behaviour, including drug use.
Kreuzer went on to relate these supposed effects of modernity to Fordist concepts of urban architecture: All this can foster the search for supposed ways out: The discourses on drug consumption, youth deviance, modernity, the nation, and the city were related through an all-encompassing experience of social transformation and crisis.
The debate on adolescent drug use allowed to understand these crises and to negotiate and reestablish fundamental social norms and values, for example in regard to gender roles and national identity. The city played a crucial part in this process: Yet even though some sites of youth delinquency could be identified—red-light districts, neighbourhoods with a high proportion of immigrants, but also sites of youth culture like nightclubs and bars—their boundaries were blurred and the exact effects of their architecture on youth behaviour remained uncertain.
On the contrary, heroin use was perceived as a wave that was threatening to flood and poison ever more strata and spaces that had hitherto remained seemingly untouched by the vices of modernity. While drug use had become most visible in urban public spaces, its perceived spreading from there outwards to rural and private spaces was even more disquieting. Both countryside and the private were constructed as positive counter-sites to the vices of the city.
The discourse of heroin reaching these heterotopias of presumed innocence and order can thus be understood as another expression of insecurity in a time of social change. Media reports and experts added to a fetishization of heroin by focusing on the substance instead of behavioural patterns. Teenage drug consumption could thus be conceived as a problem of spaces rather than as a side-effect of successful modernization. It is impossible to make any verifiable statements about the distribution level of heroin in rural areas for the s and s.
There is evidence, however, that heroin had been available outside the urban centres right from the beginning. Heroin was first imported to West Germany by individual young members of the counter-cultural underground of the late s and early s. Stephens, Germans on Drugs, esp. There were several reasons for this: Additionally, the first loads of heroin reached West Germany in the form of unprocessed opium that had to be boiled up with acetic acid before it could be injected.
This mixture, a dark-brown liquid, was called Berliner Tinke, Berlin tincture, and sold for as little as fifteen Deutschmarks in the early and mids. In the early s police and press reported on this movement from the city towards the countryside and connected it to matters of age. As early as Der Spiegel summarized recent E. US army forces, JHF]. And it is increasingly youth and adolescents who become known to the police in the context of the opiate law.
Yet again, this situation was perceived as a process: Und zunehmend sind es Jugendliche und Heranwachsende, die im Zusammenhang mit dem Opiumgesetz polizeibekannt werden. Two possible explanations can be given for this phenomenon that do not necessarily exclude each other. The establishment of visible scenes of juvenile heroin consumers in small towns and even villages probably was a process that had been completed by the mids, despite individual heroin consumption that preceded this development.
But the perceived movement from city to countryside was superimposed by the seeming movement of users through the city, once the strategy of policing visible heroin scenes had been implemented. As with youth, the countryside had been envisioned as an endangered site. It was imagined as a heterotopia of purity and innocence, threatened by contamination from people and substances from the city. The rural environment was constructed as a pastoral idyll, as a heterotopic counter-site to the city that in turn became a symbol for the evils of modernity.
The dichotomy between city and countryside was complemented on the micro-level by the one between public and private spaces. Heroin, like other illegalized drugs, had been consumed and also traded in private apartments since the beginning of its availability. This was most notably the case for all those consumers who did not depend on the open heroin scene for their supply. For those who had established a stable business relationship with one or more drug dealers, there was no necessity to buy in public places.
In the per-capita consumption of alcohol had reached its highest level since the first statistics in Each German citizen consumed The emergence of visible drug scenes in rural areas could therefore also be interpreted as a shift from alcohol to other drugs, the biggest difference being the illegal character of the latter. The actual sale took place elsewhere, including private apartments.
Yet as with the countryside, the trade and use of heroin in private space was perceived as one of constant movement. Of the victims who had been found in West Germany that year, sixty percent were discovered in private homes. Seventeen percent were found dead on toilets and subway stations; the rest had died in hospitals, on the street or in hotels. This movement was invoked repeatedly in descriptions of the heroin scene. Whenever the police came, the scene moved temporarily to side streets, only to come back later; whenever the policing of a certain scene intensified, people evaded the pressure by relocating to apartments only to gather again on the streets when the intensity of the raids allowed for it.
The conceived movement of deviant behaviour into apartments can therefore also be understood as an expression of fear: BKA schon resignierend fest, setze dieser Taktik 'jedoch Grenzen'. The same mechanism was at work when Der Spiegel described the attempts to dissolve the scene at Frankfurt's Kaisersack in The image of increasingly younger heroin addicts was so successful because it fit well into a perception of drugs invading spaces of order, purity and innocence—a perception that could not be troubled by developments that indicated the contrary. As Walter Benjamin once said: Only as a picture, which flashes its final farewell in the moment of its recognizability, is the past to be held fast.
For it is an irretrievable picture of the past, which threatens to disappear with every present, which does not recognize itself as meant in it. See also Vanessa R. By focusing on substances moving through spaces, conquering increasingly more room and bodies, possible social roots of juvenile drug consumption would largely disappear from view.
The most obvious reason was the performance of criminal acts in public. Descriptions of teenagers who were dealing and consuming illegalized substances in front of the police served to point out the exceptional character of the acts; not only were these young people breaking the law—they were doing it in sight of the law! Furthermore, such descriptions implicitly asked for the police to no longer stand and watch but to act and restore law and order. Yet there was more at stake than just crime prevention or persecution.
Before the eyes of police and passers-by addicted pupils got the dope, dealers sold a few grams for a profit — money for their own demand. The problem with the supposed members of the drug scene was therefore not simply their individual delinquent behaviour but their belonging to a group that visibly defied hegemonic expectations regarding proper behaviour in public space.
Wilson and George L. The members of the heroin scene were also visible reminders of social crisis. They were viewed as drop-outs not so much because they had chosen to but because they had failed to live up to society's expectations. This becomes most obvious when one looks at the importance of the willingness or capacity for labour in the discourse on drug addicts. From the early to mids especially, drug addicts' inability to work was posed as a significant problem. Kelling and James Q. Again, the crime of heroin users was not so much the act of selling, buying or using illegalized substances but their being addicts or, more exactly, their being perceived as addicts.
The insecurity that the crisis and transformation of society caused so many people was reinforced by visible misery. It was a reminder of the possibility of one's own social fall—a possibility that had to be repressed in order to continue to lead a normal life. By sojourning at certain places their decaying bodies seemed to represent the decay of these sites as well.
Modernist architecture was discussed widely as a possible reason for drug consumption and drug users strengthened the perception of the city as a space of and in crisis. The presence of a visible drug scene thus seemed to prove the perceived social and urban crisis while at the same time contributing to and intensifying it. Or, on a more abstract level, urban decay produced decaying bodies which in turn symbolized and accelerated this urban decay. For it was the heroin users' decaying bodies whose presence created a space of deviance and whose visibility was hard for many to bear.
It was hard to tolerate, as sociologist Imke Schmincke has pointed out, because physical misery [Verelendung] touches one's own physical vulnerability while at the same time indicates a social condition that has not prevented this misery. Through the discomfort in sight of a misery that becomes corporeal a social discrepancy is articulated that manifests itself on the individual bodies. Psychosozial-Verlag, , The more difficult it was to adhere to hegemonic norms and values—due to financial crises and growing rates of unemployment, for instance—the stronger the provocation.
Most of these persons buy impulsively: They are strolling between stores and within the stores between the commodities on offer, aimless, without concrete intention of buying but attracted by atmospheres of intense experiences […]. Then, suddenly, they are getting excited, as this year-old woman describes, looking back at her Christmas shopping: They were such strong sensations.
In the shop the lights, the people; they were playing Christmas carols. I hyperventilated and my hands began to sweat and all of a sudden I was touching sweaters and everything I touched was waving at me A group of medicinal personnel working with drug addicts in Zurich described this mechanism as follows: It is a punch in the face of a society that is still defined by values like hard work [Leistung], profit, success, cleanliness, and control.
Urban sociologists interpret this development similar to the situations described in this paper: It is the fear to be confronted with the visible consequences of the problem of addiction; it is the fear of one's own possible blight and the impending social exclusion that is used to avenge such deviations from the norm.
A compulsive buyer does not experience himself as the centre of action: It is not him who desires the commodity—the commodity desires him, looks at him, calls after him, pursues him.
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An irresistible suction emanates from it that elevates its prospect to the rank of an exceptional encounter. In the words of a year-old man: As soon as you see it you stop and look at it for some minutes as if spell-bound, then suddenly it hits you like a stroke and you're getting goose bumps'. Most people knew drug addiction only through mass media products. Die meisten dieser Personen kaufen impulsiv: Es waren so starke Sinnesempfindungen.
Im Laden die Lichter, die Menschen; sie spielten Weihnachtsmusik. Nicht er begehrt die Ware - die Ware begehrt ihn, blickt ihn an, ruft ihm nach, verfolgt ihn. Here, drug addiction was securely contained within the frame of a newspaper or TV set , excluded by walls and doors , and controlled one could always put away the newspaper; there was no troubling smell or noise. One could gaze at addicts without fear of them looking back thus establishing a connection between 'ordinary' citizens and addicts , without fear of being touched.
Although it was a different world from that of most citizens, the public character of the heroin scenes' meeting places made such encounters likely. Heroin users occupied the same geographical place as 'ordinary' citizens but used it for very different ends. While the latter might use a train or subway station to get to work, heroin users would sojourn there to trade, consume, share information or simply socialize.
In these instances it was impossible to ignore the misery of drug users. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, It denotes a citizen, i. But the term merges the political category of the citizen with the social class of the bourgeoisie. Even if nothing happened, the simultaneous presence of normal and deviant bodies in the same space caused a fear that was experienced as almost corporeal. This corporeality was enhanced in cases when passers-by witnessed the actual process of shooting up, that is the penetration of a body's borders and its subsequent pollution.
This sight could cause physical sickness and revulsion for the viewer. Conclusion From the late s, illegalized drugs had been a common aspect of West German youth culture. By the early s, the use of cannabis by middle- and upper-class pupils was already on the decline, while a growing number of primarily working-class youth took to the newly available heroin.
By the mids, this new hard-drug scene had separated itself from the soft-drug and political scenes and had established a network of meeting places in public urban spaces. This visibility, together with rising numbers of drug-related deaths, sparked a debate on drug use, its causes and its consequences. Youth figured prominently in the discourse on drug use and drug addiction. More generally Julia Kristeva, Powers of Horror. An Essay on Abjection New York: Columbia University Press, The concern about youth was also a concern about the nation's future; the crisis of youth had to be regulated in order to solve the crisis of nation and society.
Gender stereotypes resulted in young girls being placed under intensified observation, with implicit calls for stricter guidance for their own good. As potential mothers, their behaviour was strongly linked to the nation's future and as such needed special attention. The connection between the crisis of youth and the crisis of society that became visible in scenes of young heroin users, worked in both directions. Yet teenage drug consumption also helped to translate the all- consuming crisis of the s into a crisis of youth, thus providing a potential object for regulatory policies to manage this crisis.
The discourse on juvenile drug addiction was therefore also a site at which social norms and values could be renegotiated and reestablished, for instance in regard to national identity, sexuality, work ethics, and the proper behaviour of youth in the widest sense. The conception of drug users becoming ever younger had no equivalent in reality. The focus on a seemingly homogeneous youth allowed observers to ignore social and economic factors in the growing consumption of heroin.
This spatialization also implied a new way of dealing with youth deviance. Until the s, considerable effort had been made to discipline and re-integrate deviant individuals. The use of heroin needed to be contained on a symbolic level and the visible heroin scenes needed to disappear from public space. These two solutions are the focus of the following sections. Its decline between c. The life-story of a young heroin addict turned the train and subway station Bahnhof Zoo, one of many meeting places of the heroin scene, into just such a symbolic space.
This media discourse, I want to argue, conceived the Bahnhof Zoo as a heterotopia, or counter-site, that was entirely different from its surroundings and that was marked by the absence of hegemonic social norms or their complete reversal. For adults, the existence of such a space made heroin use among teenagers less threatening, as they could now protect their children from drugs by keeping them from places like the Bahnhof Zoo. Yet these new spaces of deviance were highly ambiguous. Although they were presented in the media as symbols for delinquency and decline, to many teenagers these spaces became an object of fascination rather than sites to be avoided.
The reception of stories about the Bahnhof Zoo shows that the presumed absence of adult norms and values at these sites turned them into spaces that to many youth promised a freedom that they were not able to find anywhere else in society. Although the assessment of the Bahnhof Zoo by adults and youth differed, the underlying structure was the same; the idea that social conditions could be understood and solved through the management of space.
This split also expressed itself spatially. Under pressure from the police, members of the Berlin drug scene quickly abandoned an established meeting point only to gather at a new one, often just some hundred meters away. According to Berlin drug therapists, the separation of soft and hard drug scene was thus completed by Whether this separation was always so absolute is doubtful.
At the local scene at Hasenheide park in Berlin-Kreuzberg, heroin users and hashish smokers apparently hung out together even in the mid- and late s. A mutual disdain for each other usually prevented such a mingling, though: Subway stations, public places and parks added up to a whole network of local heroin scenes.
These meeting points were mostly used by people who wanted to buy drugs or to establish contacts with dealers, while the actual consumption, sometimes even the purchase, took place in private apartments or public toilets. Young heroin consumers—by an estimated 6,—could be encountered virtually everywhere in the city of West Berlin. Paralleling the series in Stern was the story's publication as a book. Although written by two journalists, the story appeared in the form of a first-person account under the title Christiane F.
Wir Kinder vom Bahnhof Zoo, thereby evoking a high degree of authenticity. The book became a roaring success: Still in print, more than two million copies have sold of the German version alone. It covered Christiane F. Her path led first to the Sound, a major nightclub, where she was introduced to a clique of teenaged drug users, including her soon-to-be boyfriend Detlef.
It was in this nightclub that she took her first LSD trip; and after attending a concert by her idol David Bowie, she started snorting heroin. While Detlef and Christiane grew closer to each other, she learned that Detlef prostituted himself at the Bahnhof Zoo. Although appalled by this fact, soon after her first shot of heroin Christiane herself was forced to work as a prostitute in order to earn the necessary money for her addiction. In the 49th edition was published by Bertelsmann; 1,, copies have been sold since the first edition thirty years ago publisher's information.
Creation Books, , One year earlier, a sexploitation film based loosely on the story of Christiane F. She moved out of her mother's apartment to live with a friend of Detlef's, only to be forced to move in with one of his regular clients after losing this friend to a fatal overdose. While several of their friends shared the same fate, Christiane would finally be saved by being sent by her mother to her aunt and grandmother in a small village in rural Schleswig-Holstein. Both the book and film were enormously successful because they took up contemporary assumptions about heroin use and turned them into a meaningful story that, aside from all the dreariness, provided a happy ending.
The movie especially, with its inherent necessity to situate every scene in a spatial setting, focused on urban spaces, their meaning and their interconnectedness in telling this story.
City space appeared to provide an explanation for teenage drug consumption and possible solutions to it. The story of Christiane F. To this end, the film explored some of the assumptions for deviant juvenile behaviour, including the decline of the nuclear family, modernist urban architecture, and youth culture. Christiane was shown to grow up with her sister and single parent mother.
Forced to earn a living, the mother was often absent and therefore not able to supervise her children, a fact that was exacerbated by her liberal educational methods. The invisible father thus symbolized a lack of authority that would otherwise have complemented the mother's understanding nature. See for instance Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight, 21ff. By omitting the father's violent behaviour towards his wife and daughters which had figured prominently in the book the film constructed an ideal image of 'normal' family life and thus managed to present the decline of the nuclear family—and not its existence—as one of the main reasons for teenage drug use.
Right at the beginning of the film we see several shots of the bleak high-rises of the Gropiusstadt settlement, accompanied by Christiane's voice-over: Everywhere just piss and shit. You just have to look closely. No matter how new and lavish everything appears from the distance. With its green lawns and the shopping malls. But in the houses it stinks the most, in the staircases. But what else should the children do when they're playing outside and have an urgent need? Before the elevator arrives and they reach the eleventh or twelfth floor, they already wet their pants and take a beating.
So they prefer to relieve themselves in the hallway. I mean, my father at that time, like: Well, then she has to get her arse kicked, right? And that's the end of it. Nicht wahr, also mein Vater damals so: Dann muss die mal ordentlich den Arsch vollkriegen. So, dann hat sich da die Sache. So einfach ist es dann aber doch nicht. Interviews with former heroin addicts confirm the role of familial violence in many addicts' biographies, cf.
Man muss nur genau hinsehen. Da machen sie lieber gleich in den Hausflur. The high-rises were also a symbol for a social order whose foundations were rotten, no matter how sparkling its surface might appear. This suggestion had already been presented strongly through the photographs and captions that accompanied the original articles and that had also reappeared in the book version of the report. As with the causes for heroin addiction, the film repeated contemporary assumptions about the relation between drug use and sexuality. In the same sense argued psychoanalyst Horst-Eberhard Richter in his introduction to the book version: Da will ich hin.
As soon as she entered the sites of youth culture she was approached by young men from a clique of drug users and quickly fell in love with one of them. In accordance with criminologists' presumptions she was taking her first shot of heroin mainly in order to understand, and be closer to, her boyfriend Detlef. In the following scenes, the causal connection between drug use and the development of a deviant sexuality was confirmed by Christiane's need to prostitute herself.
This process culminated in her flogging an adult, male masochist—a reversion of traditional gender roles that appeared as the ultimate perversion fig. Directly after this scene, Christiane attempted to commit suicide by an overdose of heroin. Female sexuality and susceptibility to seduction to both sex and drugs had figured prominently following the publication of the original interview series. The Stern magazine had advertized the book version with a photograph of Christiane F. The crisis of modern urbanity and the decline of the nuclear family appeared thus as the two main reasons for deviate adolescent behaviour.
The role of urban space was presented as central to juvenile drug delinquency in two interconnected ways: The crises of city and nuclear family also meant that teenagers were in danger of developing a deviant sexuality. By paralleling heroin use and sexuality, the film suggested that its topic was not just relevant to a small minority but that it touched upon a problem that potentially concerned all teenagers once they reached puberty—and their parents. The Bahnhof Zoo as a heterotopia of deviation Detlef: You, you better not come here. Because I don't want my girlfriend to come to the Zoo, that's why.
You know, here's the endmost scum. You don't belong here. Here, the scene was gathering and drugs were being traded. In the station's public toilets, teenagers were injecting heroin into their veins. Sometimes their dead bodies were discovered here as well. Exploring further the role of the public toilet as a potential link between discourses on drugs and deviant sexuality would be beyond the scope of this study. Rosa Winkel, , When Christiane enters the train station for the first time to look for her boyfriend Detlef, she passes a group of three middle-aged men who are recognizable as 'foreigners' by their darker skin and their accents.
One of them leaves the group, approaches Christiane and asks in poor German: In the figure of the young white girl Christiane, it was also the German nation that needed to be protected from foreign influences. Being escorted to the backside of the train station, Christiane is then shown the site of male homosexual prostitution. By her disgusted views and comments the deviating forms of sexuality that were represented here were clearly marked as being outside of the realm of the acceptable. Homosexuality, male masochism, and urophilia were thus attributed to the Bahnhof Zoo as a space of the abnormal.
In real life, neither of these phenomena was limited to the Bahnhof Zoo. In other parts of the city, teenagers' use of heroin was as omnipresent as were the members of migrant communities. Yet the film's merit lay exactly in its creation of a symbolic space at which the omnipresent threats of modern society could be located and, at least symbolically, contained.
Berlin's heroin scene had established the area of the Bahnhof Zoo as one of many meeting places during the s; by blinding out the omnipresence of heroin and focusing on this single place, the film transformed the Bahnhof Christiane F. The discourse on teenage heroin addiction helped a society in crisis reassure itself about its basic norms and values e. Meanwhile, symbolic spaces such as the Bahnhof Zoo provided the comforting certainty that those who deviated from these norms were only to be found in a limited number of places.
The film could thus also provide instructions for the future conformist behaviour of both youth and adults. It was common sense that the consumption of illegalized drugs could have no part in this. But by equating drug use and sexuality the film demanded from its young audience—especially the girls—to develop a sexuality according to heteronormative standards, under penalty of complete moral and physical decay.
Teenagers were therefore requested to stay away from certain places—Bahnhof Zoo, nightclubs—but also from foreigners and non- heterosexual relationships.
The lesson for adults was quite similar. Verherrlicht der Film die Drogen-Szene? Babsi continues by claiming proudly to have served seven clients in one hour. Babsi's promiscuity, her lack of shame and decency, later turn her into the youngest heroin victim of Berlin.
Christiane's friend Kessi is saved from becoming a heroin addict when her mother finds her and Christiane, both drugged, in a subway station. She grabs her daughter, slaps her in the face several times, and takes her home.
The viewers could therefore assume that she had been saved from a life of drug addiction and prostitution due to strict parental control. After years of dislocation, youth delinquency had seemingly found its place again. In the heterotopia of the Bahnhof Zoo, space and normalcy were thus constituting each other. By discursively locating various forms of deviation at the train station, it became a symbolic counter-site of and a container for everything that was excluded from society. In turn, the station assured everyone who was absent from this space of their normalcy—or of the normalcy of their children.
The social crisis of the s and the unease in sight of the vices of consumerism, uncontrollable immigration, and sexual liberalization could be mitigated by transforming these social developments into a matter of public space. Without these slaps she may have found herself on the scene and on the game even before me and wouldn't be a high-school graduate by now.
Contesting the nature of heterotopia My first stop on the trail of Christiane F. Disappointed, the five are leaving. Yet many adults were unsure whether youth would really get the message. Didn't the enormous success of We Children from Bahnhof Zoo signify an uncanny fascination on the part of youth with its topic, a fascination that the movie might even foster rather than counteract?
Across the political spectrum, press reviews of the movie were unanimously concerned with exactly this question: The cinema has apparently replaced the galleries of the fair, allowing for a voyeuristic gaze on other people's misery. Both the fair and the movie theater have been described as heterotopias. Although the assessments of the film's merits in this regard differed significantly—from the suggestion to show it in schools to its condemnation—the reviewers' perspective was the same: Much less is known about the way youth read and watched the story of Christiane F.
Although it can be said that many youth must have identified with the protagonists in some way, they understood We Children from Bahnhof Zoo as a story about youth but not exclusively for youth. I think this topic concerns everyone. Shortly before the film was brought to the theaters the alternative Tageszeitung featured book and film, together with recommendations of other youth books on the topic.
Mit uns waren es vielleicht 20 Prozent Erwachsene. Junge Muslime in Deutschland: In Bundesministerium des Inneren Hrsg. Texte zur Inneren Sicherheit S. Praxis der Rechtspsychologie, 13 2 , Befunde aus kriminologischen Dunkelfeldstudien. Innovative Konzepte - Forensik S. Etnice razlike v mladoletniskem prestopnistvu: Socialna Pedagogika , 6 1 , Anatomische Puppen als Mittel der Befragung von Kindern. Familie, Partnerschaft, Recht , 7, Brisante Befunde die irritieren: Neue Praxis, 30 4 , Politisches Lernen, 18 , Lagebild und offene Fragen. Zur Struktur und Entwicklung der Jugendgewalt in Deutschland.
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