Augustinian, Carmelite, Franciscan, Benedictine, and Dominican. So too for music: Music bookhands in use at the point of transition from the manuscript to the printed book were selected according to the function of the text and the geographical location in which it was to be read. Scripts for plainchant the monophonic music of the Catholic liturgy and for mensural or measured music liturgical or secular, monophonic or polyphonic and tablature systems for notating finger positions of stringed or keyboard instruments were all in existence.
A review of the major characteristics of manuscript music books will provide a foundation for discussing their imitators in print. Plainchant notation could be roman, gothic, ambrosian, or byzantine. The choice of script was a function of geographic and political boundaries, as we have said. Map i, with its division of Europe into areas using different chant notation, shows clearly enough why most music printers in Italy chose to use roman plainchant type exclusively. It was a strictly commercial decision. The map also pinpoints the Ambrosian enclave around Milan that encouraged music printers of that area to design plainchant type for the local rite.
Since the area of "Italy" during the time period under consideration does not conform to that of the twentieth century, it will be useful to clarify its. In the later fifteenth century, "Italy" was a term used to denote an assemblage of independent states, joined in an uneasy equilibrium by the Peace of Lodi i , with boundaries still subject to fluctuation see Map 2.
There were three main states in the north: The Papal States in the center of the peninsula were a significant power. Below them were the two kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, separate during the second half of the century. In addition there were a number of smaller states, including Mantua under the House of Gonzaga, the two Tuscan republics of Siena and Lucca, and the territories of the House of Este: Modena, Reggio, and Ferrara, the last a feudatory of the papacy.
The Republic of Venice was at the height of its expansion on the mainland, extending as far west as Brescia and Bergamo in Lombardy, and in the east into the coastal regions of the upper Balkan peninsula. Since the fall of Constantinople in I, the Turks had been a constant menace to the island holdings of Venice in the Mediterranean, including Crete and Cyprus, and the Genoese fleet had successfully challenged Venetian naval supremacy in.
For the purposes of this book, Italy will be defined as including the territory of the modern nation plus that part of Yugoslavia which belonged to the fifteenth-century 3. For a directory of Latin forms of place-names and monastic orders used in Italian music incunabula for liturgical uses, see Appendix 3. For a definition of the boundaries of that enclave, see the map by Michel Huglo in Fonti e paleografia del canto ambrosiano, Archivio Ambrosiano 7 Milan: Scuola Tipografica di San Benedetto, , p. Republic of Venice and in which the Missale Romanum in the Glagolitic language 22 II ; see Part III is thought to have been published The basic neumes from the Greek neuma, "note" or "sign" of the plainchant notations that were cut into metal type in Italy in the fifteenth century are illustrated in Table i The last column provides a transcription of the neumes into modern notation The Latin names and the shapes of the simple and compound neumes provide a point of reference for the discussion of written or printed neumes in later chapters The information encoded in neumes serves two functions: Within a single plainchant notation, variation could occur to challenge the designer of music type Each style of plainchant notation has a common note that represents the basic time value of a chanted syllable of text see Fig 1 In roman notation of the fifteenth century the common note could be one of two basic forms, the stemmed virga used in much of Italy or the punctum used in Spain, southern Italy, and part of France.
Hungary in the fifteenth century with staves and without notes contain a variety of styles of manuscript gothic notation, illustrating the range of styles in use see Figs 22 and 26 The significance of the majority of neumes is restricted to melodic motion, but certain signs for liquescence within neumes indicate the use of ornaments in performance The decoration signified by liquescent neumes is rarely needed in the syllabic plainchant of liturgical books for the celebrant missals but is essential in books for the choir graduals, antiphonals, processionals By the late fifteenth century, the degree to which liquescence was actually written out varied from scribe to scribe While many liquescent neumes had disappeared from plainchant manuscripts, the appearance of the cephalicus and epiphonus in fonts of FIG I Graphic forms of the basic time value in roman plainchant 5 A survey of the notation of plainchant is contained in Willi Apel's Gregorian Chant Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, , pp Palaographie des liturgischen Gesanges, 2nd ed Leipzig: Hungarian notation, gothicized by Austrian influence into a form called Messine-German, spread over an area that coincides with the borders of medieval Hungary See the introduction to Missale Notatum Strigoniense ante I in Posonio, ed Janka Szendrei and Richard Rybaric Budapest, I , pp A name coined here to describe the combination of virga and oriscus that commonly appeared in late fifteenth-century manuscripts and printed books.
We French, the Germans, and those who live in the neighboring regions delight in B natural The Italians and other nations on this side of the mountains prefer B flat. Table 2 Mensural notation White Black Modern notation notation transcription 1: Italy played an important role in early music printing in both quantity and quality of production While current information on the amount and distribution of fifteenth-century music printing in Europe is far from exact, what is known suggests that Italy was an innovator throughout the century and dominated production of music books in the last decade just as she dominated the publishing industry as a whole The first music printed from movable type appeared about twenty years after the first European book printed from movable type, the forty-two line Bible produced in Mainz about Much as alphabetic printing had been perfected for that Bible, so the technology for printing music was in a nearly perfected state at its first appearance in the gothic plainchant of a gradual of about Wurttembergischen Landesbibliothek, , p xviii.
The watermarks of the paper of the Graduale promise more tangible evidence of the geographic origins of the book My preliminary investigation of i he watermarks, with the help of Piccard's carefully documented work on watermarks in books in the Stuttgart Archive,4 offered somewhat contradictory evidence for a date and place The watermarks include several variants of the ox head with crown and rosette as well as a few sheets with cross-keys in gatherings i, k, m, n, p, and q One of the ox heads-f s3, for example-matches that described by Piccard as ox head XV, from the year i to Conrad Fyner contains five identical squares or.
Landen was printed after i5oo The Missale Misnense Leipzig: Stuchs The Missale Romanum Nuremberg: Emerich, is a bibliographic ghost The Antiphonarium Romanum, GW , is dated The Missale Romanum of Girardengo was issued in Venice and reissued in Pavia but is one edition The Missale Ord Praedicatorum dated 29 1 is apparently a misreading of the date see the Descriptive Bibliography The new year begins on i March in Venice, so two of Emerich's books, the Missale Romanum of 27 1I 15oo and the Missale Ord Carmelitarum of I oo, were printed in i50o and are not incunabula Two items may be added to Przywecka-Samecka's list for Italy: Wenssler, ca is entered again as Antiphonarium Constantiense Three items may be added to Switzerland's total: Centro Internazionale delle Arti e del Costume, , p was readily available from Treviso, Padua, and other nearby towns with river systems Venice as the world center of book publishing also enjoyed a.
The facts that two printers from one city, Venice, were responsible for nearly half of the total of Italian music incunabula and that those books were printed late in the century illustrate the trend toward the selection of a very few urban centers as sites for the specialized trade of producing music books The existence of early specialists in music type design and production in Venice is suggested by music type specialist Jacomo Ungaro's claim in I that he had been living in Venice for forty years see Chapter III Available capital, raw materials, trade routes, and concentration of population with clerical music editors and customers seem to have acted as magnets for talented music printers, publishers, and type designers in Venice from 21 Braudel, Afterthoughts, pp D to 4.
Apart from the books themselves, physical evidence concerning printing and type of the fifteenth century is almost nonexistent The first crude printed picture of a printing press does not appear until about Danse macabre [Lyons: Matthew Husz] , and the first representation of a typefounder was not printed until a woodcut by Jost Amman in Hans Sachs's Eygentliche Beschreibung aller Stande [Frankfurt: Feyerabend] The unlikely recovery of about two hundred and fifty pieces of early type from the Saone River at Lyons has inspired many times that number of words about their manufacture Some copper punches and lead matrices survive from a Dutch foundry of about I5oo.
Emerich for Giunta in the Music Library of the University of California, Berkeley This happenstance provides important evidence to support a new hypothesis concerning the body sizes of early music type and how it was set in forms. Printing type has its own descriptive terminology and standard size referents the arrows in Fig 4 point to measurements of height to paper, x-height, and body size Kerned and abutting faces, two variants of the standard face on a piece of type, are important for early music types A kerned type is one whose face is wider than its body, so that it overlaps the shoulder of the adjacent type Fig 5 The letter f is one of the few kerned types still commonly in use, but in the i49os in Venice fonts of cursive Greek and Latin type were being cut that relied heavily on kerned sorts whose faces could be more than twice as wide as their bodies.
Clarendon Press, II , 3: An Untenable Theory," Gutenberg-Jahrbuch Macmillan, , Oxford University Press, ], p 9. The letters for printing books are made of a composition of three parts of fine tin [stagno fino], an eighth part of black lead [piombo negro], and another eighth part of fused marcasite of antimony The desired quantities of these metals are melted and cast into bars so arranged that they can easily be cut Then a mold [formal is made of brass [ottone] or bronze [bronzo], as true as possible and flat so that ii: Fragmentary evidence about fifteenth-century music printing and typefounding exists in such documents as contracts see the discussion in Chapter VIII of Antonio Zarotto , testaments see the discussion in Chapter IX of Francesco Girardengo and his partner Giovanni Beretta , privileges, colophons, and lawsuits involving those in the book trade Sixteenth-century physical and documentary evidence is more accessible, including the major resources of the collection of type and business records of Christopher Plantin at the Plantin-Moretus Museum in Antwerp Types, type specimens, and inventories of Christopher Plantin I gives us the names and sizes of sixteen sets of music punches, twelve sets of matrices, and one music mold.
Georges de la Hele The inventory specifies thirty-nine punches, but the illustration of the extant punches uses only thirty-eight The matrices for ST68, MA9ia, have the same problem with name in the inventory The answer may lie in 5 Biringucci, Pirotechnia, trans Cyril Stanley Smith and Martha Teach Gnudi New York: American Institute of Mining and Metallurgical Engineers, , pp The Italian words have been added from the original edition printed by Venturino Roffinello in Venice in A Study of Early Music Printing, with Special Reference to the Motetti de la Corona [I]," University of London, , p 29 , Stanley Boorman proposed that Petrucci's strongest claim for innovation in printing history might lie in the addition of antimony to his type metal He cited as major differences between incunabula music type and that of Petrucci the latter's small size, lighter design, and consistent use of hollow diamond-headed notes, but those characteristics can already be seen in the first mensural type of 7 The type specimens of and ca are reproduced in Type Specimen Facsimiles II: University of Toronto Press, Only three types appear in Plantin's specimens and they are.
University of California Press, , plates , for photographs of the sections referring to music type A specimen apparently prepared by the typecutter himself with manuscript annotations includes three of the music fonts made in the I55os for Le Roy and Ballard in Paris: The incunabula type of Emerich, R2I, is an example of a combined plainchant and mensural font produced to handle the mensural Credo popular at the time.
Menno Hertzberger, , p It was made in for the "Grande Musicque" chant type cast for a projected Spanish antiphonal. The extant mold has register setting and nick that exactly fit the museum's cast "Grande Musicque" type, although the interchangeable stools are missing that would have been necessary for casting from one matrix design the sorts of type with the distinctive faces needed to print characters on lines and spaces. However, with other work which may intervene, you cannot reckon on less than half a year. And it will cost quite I50 florins before you can think of casting a font, or thereabouts.
Additional commissions would have been necessary for the woodcuts, initials, and unusually large paper. If a punch took more than a day and a sufficient number of men were on hand to justify five to six matrices a day, it would take about a year per font to complete punches and matrices for the two text fonts and a plainchant font designed and cut for the Graduale.
The Graduale's plainchant font was larger in size and complexity than van der Keere's and was probably produced by a smaller establishment, so it would have taken longer. Michael Clapham estimated that a text font of about one hundred and fifty punches would have taken two years to produce in the early years of printing. A different kind of evidence comes from the modern impression of van den Keere's single-impression "Grande Musique" made from the type cast from thirty-eight punches extant at the Plantin-Moretus Museum. The music signs range in size from large clefs and time signatures to small accidentals and rests.
Signs that extended into the area of text type above or below the staff would also need a kerned version see the flagged and unflagged lozenges. The direct Latin, custos is the symbol placed at the end of a staff to indicate the first note of the next staff. Fifteenth-century type often included an alternate narrow version for use within a line as well as the normal wide version, generally kerned, that would be set in the margin beyond the end of the staff in a double-impression type.
Van den Keere avoided the kerned direct by curling back the angular line on top of the sign after the point of definition of pitch. Menno Hertzberger, , p. The measurements of the segments are mine, made from the illustrations in Vervliet, Sixteenth-Century Types, P- Parker, "Early Typefounders' Moulds," pp. Vervliet, Sixteenth-Century Types, p. Vervliet, Sixteenth-Century Types, M8, fig. For an example of music set with the types, see Plantin's folio specimen ca.
Useful for understanding music types are the variety and number of spacing material sorts for use above, below, and between type with cast typefaces One nineteenth-century music type required eleven different sizes of quads and seven sizes of spaces to set the type in forms. Only spacing material was cast in the third size, and the fourth and largest size was used for staves and full and par I6 Theotiste Lefevre, Guide pratique du compositeur d'imprimerie i; reprint Westmead, Farnborough: Da Capo Press, , chap i5, "Typographically Printed Music," pp i; includes several type specimens and a variety of solutions to housing large fonts in typecases I8 Ibid.
Fleuron , p Harry Carter attributed the development of music type in such a system of "building up the staff from types of various bodies" to the mid-sixteenth-century typecutters Le Be, Granjon, Nicholas Duchemin, and the two de Sanlecques; they supposedly increased the number of kerns and "arranged the joins after the manner of bricklaying. Fig 8 I conclude that the body size of the common note of R2 I, the virga with short stem, is I 1. FIG I i Hypothetical body size of virga in Emerich's R2 I The same punch and matrix may have been used to cast all three virgas The process whereby the same punch and matrix were used to cast variant sorts was described in the eighteenth century by Fournier and was found by Harry Carter to be operative for the seventeenth-century Fell music type.
Hypothetical body size of staff type for Emerich's R2 1. The system may well have been developed in the fifteenth century. Certainly the identical appearance of such distinctive characters as the porrectus at different positions on the staff suggests the use of a single punch. A strategy involving varying sizes of pieces of type may have been used to print the staff as well as the notes. Occasionally the shoulder of a piece of staff type is unintentionally printed and suggests the use of three equal pieces of staff type body size of about 0o.
If an extra ledger line was needed above or below the staff and reached into the space of the text type as in Fig. I2, top right, and in Fig. Kerning was as common in Emerich's text types as in his music types. An unusually large repertory of kerned music types appears in R2 I see the type specimen, Chapter VII ; among the kerned types visible in Emerich's text type for the Graduale are f, the long s to overlap following vowels , a form of. Early attempts to transfer manuscript designs to type relied on kerning to create the visual effect of linked letters ligatures.
To be sure, a font with kerned variants was expensive and time-consuming to design and cut as well as to set; the enormous fonts of the Is nearly sorts for a text alphabet, plus frequent filed variants had gradually been replaced by types with few kerned sorts and ligatures. Emerich was creating one of the first music types capable of setting the complex plainchant of the manuscript gradual and antiphonal, and it was natural that he should make use of complex kerning and variant forms of the same character to achieve his aim.
Just as natural was its consignment to obsolescence when new types became available that were easier to set and allowed more music on the page, even though they lacked the capacity for printing complex neumes and liquescence. Examples of kerned text types in Emerich's Graduale. Evidence supporting the use of kerned characters in types like Emerich's large plainchant font can be sought in another important music type that, though not technically an incunabula type, was being created in Venice at almost the same time In a dissertation on Petrucci's Motetti della Corona printed from 15 14 to 15 19 with the music type first used in Venice in 15 0 , Stanley Boorman prepared a specimen of the music font and proposed a theory of kerned types to explain the intrusion of stemmed signs into the text type.
The trade of making types in the fifteenth century was never clearly described in contemporary treatises but can only be inferred from chance comments in colophons and archival documents of the next century. The Grolier Club, , p Zeitlin and Ver Brugge, Sharpe pp suggests an independent typecutter but dismisses the possibility "since the independent type cutter is usually considered a later development within the printing business and dependent upon a larger community of printers than was so recently come to Rome in the os.
Granjon, and Pierre Haultin. Robert Granjon 5 I 3-ca , son of a printer and bookseller Granjon was apprenticed to a goldsmith probably in Lyons and "when he had learned that calling, he set himself to work at various faces of type He began in Paris about I and even before in he left Paris and went to live at Lyons Afterwards he went to Rome, which he reached in December , where he worked for the Cardinal de' Medici at Arabic types.
New Documents," The Library, ser 5, 29 The second is a civilite or gothic cursive used in printed books in and Sixteenth-Century French Typefounders, p 31 Hendrik Vervliet questions Le Be's date and suggests the early i53os for completion of the apprenticeship: A standard apprenticeship in a printing shop or with a goldsmith would prepare a professional music type.
Fournier, ; Heartz, Attaingnant, pp 46 In his Tresor de la langue francaise of Jean Nicot defined dominoes as pictures and portraits cut in wood or copper and printed and painted on paper "dominos, c'est i dire des images et oeuvres de portraicture peintes et imprimees en papier, el: Antonio Zarotto da Parma i Florence: In Castellani first pointed out the likelihood that the German and Hungarian Jacomo were the same person, since Hungarians who came to do business in Venice were treated on a par with Germans and lived at the same house, the Fondaco.
LINT, , p 66n. Scientia Verlag Aalen, , 2: Business and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice Ithaca: Cornell University Press, , p Because it is the habit of your most Illustrious Signoria to remunerate those who contribute to this famous city some useful and ingenious invention, therefore your most faithful servant Jacomo Ungaro, cutter of letters and inhabitant of this most excellent city for forty years, having discovered the way to print measured music, and fearing that others, as happens, may reap the fruit of his labors, begs your Excellency that you be pleased to grant him the favor that no one else may print or have printed the said measured music either in this city or in its provinces for the next fifteen years, nor bring books printed elsewhere to sell in this city or subordinate lands, under penalty of losing all the books and ioo ducats for every time that it occurs.
League of Cambrai Petrucci had probably already applied for the privilege to print music in the Papal States that was awarded to him on 22 October 15I3, verifying his intention to remain in Fossombrone. Jacomo, Francesco Griffo, another Hungarian named Andrea Sigismund Corbo Corwin who was an "inzisor literarum,"68 and Francesco del Prestade Bormi The time has come to propose that a good share of the success of music printing in Venice at the end of the fifteenth century is owed, if not to Jacomo himself, then to fellow craftsmen like him who provided the music type for the production of the liturgical books that entered the international market from Venice Support for Jacomo's claim to have "found the way to print mensural music" also comes from indications that all of Petrucci's type was cast before he left Venice for Fossombrone Boorman pointed out that in Petrucci's Fossombrone imprints the ligatures grow fewer, and some ligatures are replaced altogether by two sorts butted together There is the occasional appearance of "ugly minims with much heavier tails apparently cast from a new matrix, unless, as seems more likely, the original had become distorted.
Petrucci's death in , his widow apparently sold some of his type to a Gabriele Ceccolino, who, however, made no use of any music type. I 15 69 Boorman, "Petrucci," pp Ungaro, having certainly cut Petrucci's font and perhaps having had a hand in Emerich's mensural type and by extension his plainchant type, could well have cut other plainchant fonts as well Thirty-eight music types were used in Italy in the fifteenth century, twenty-five of them in Venice It seems likely that many were the products of a very few craftsmen who specialized in music type 72 Fulin, "Documenti," no 81 For the complete document, see Appendix i, no 2.
Few printers chose the option of omitting music and space for it entirely Admittedly, it is difficult to identify editions that eliminated the music of a copytext from print, but any missal printed without music can probably be placed in that category. The absence of music in printed breviaries follows the tradition of manuscript breviaries of the last decades of the fifteenth century The list of fifteenth-century printed Italian breviaries in the i The Glagolitic Missale Romanum of is an exception Its lack of music probably reflects the state of the copytext, since liturgical music for the Slavonic service has a performance tradition that is still transmitted orally today See Josip Andreis, Music in Croatia, trans Vladimir Ivir Zagreb: Institute of Musicology, , p The first printed books to leave space for music were prepared for buyers accustomed to the manuscript tradition that saved rubrics, initials, staves and notes, and illumination to be added after the textual scribe had completed his task Indeed, the large amount of handwork required for such additions resulted in printed missals that can easily be mistaken for manuscripts The Franciscan monks for whom the first printed Missale Romanum Central Italy?
Another group of Italian incunabula were printed without notes but with staves for music see Table 12 The fact that two of these exist also in a state with printed notes suggests collaboration between printers, possibly in different shops Some of the imprint names listed with the books in Table 12 may be publishers' rather than printers': Frankfurt is not known to have been a printer, and Sessa was probably not one either; Scoto called himself a publisher after , but may have been a printer before that year If these three were not printers, the only Venetian printers known to have used rules for printing staves are Paltasichi, Ratdolt, and Hamman Paltasichi was printing in Venice in I, Ratdolt in , and Hamman in ; any of them could have printed the rules in the books of Scoto and Frankfurt the rules in Scoto's books were printed along with the text Since Paltasichi was working For Scoto in and and did print his own edition of a missal with ruled staves, he may well have been the printer responsible for the two editions of Scoto listed in Table 12 Several techniques were available for printing staves: British Museum, I], p 9 or rules.
Clarendon Press, , 3: Scoto 4 2I2 i8i5 Missale Ord. The absence of notes in Hamman's Agenda Aquileiensis, at a time when he owned at least two fonts of roman music type but before he used his gothic plainchant font, indicates that the common notation in the Patriarchal See of Aquila was gothic. Although the town of Aquila is only a few miles north of Venice, its territory extended into Yugoslavia, Austria, and over to Como at the end of the fifteenth century. The Missale Praedicatorum of , the first of four octavo missals published by Frankfurt in the i48os, was issued with printed staves and without notes.
Of the two copies I examined, the copy at the 6. Spessot, "Libri liturgici aquileiesi," pp. Longmans, , pp. For the Joyners being unskilful in Planishing, buy Neal'd thick Brass that the Rule may be strong enough, and so cut into slips without Hammering, which makes the Rule easily bow any way and stand so, and will never come to so good and smooth an Edge as Planish't Brass will Besides, Brass well Planish't will be stiffer and stronger at half the thickness than unplanish't Brass will at the whole.
Though he was later to be an important music printer in Augsburg, the only music book Erhard Ratdolt printed in Italy is a missal with printed staves and without notes Neither Ratdolt nor any other printer in Italy in I had type for the gothic plainchant that was standard in the See of Esztergom Strigonium northwest of Budapest in Hungary The folio Missale Strigoniense Fig 22 disdains the utilitarian practice of less expensive octavo missals of allowing just enough space between staves for the body of the text type; instead, it uses leads in the area above and below the staff to prevent the text from intruding on the staves Each column of staves is designed to fit the ambitus of the music, varying from columns of eight three-line.
Finanze vaticane: Da Pio XI a Benedetto XVI (Problemi aperti) (Italian Edition) - Kindle edition by Benny Lai. Download it once and read it on your Kindle device, . See details and download book: Free Itouch Download Books Finanze Vaticane Da Pio Xi A Benedetto Xvi Problemi Aperti Italian Edition Pdf By Benny Lai.
The last technique for printing staves developed in the fifteenth century was nesting, the use of a number of short, single-line metal segments to make up a staff line the width of a column The technique was used in Italy by Johann Emerich for a Missale Strigoniense published for Johann Paep of Buda Segments, usually four pieces of II. Johann Hamman, I VI , f 06 Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Inc publisher Luca Antonio Giunta began with a Missale Romanum of that contained fifty-four pages of music with staves printed from cast lines and notes from type It may have been Giunta's capital that enabled Emerich to abandon the woodcut technique permanently Emerich's technique for printing staves soon changed to use of short metal segments The quarto and octavo books printed by Emerich used 8 mm segments; large folios used 12 mm segments; octavos used 9.
Some of the earliest and best-known examples of music printed from woodcuts are found in twelve Italian music incunabula Table Marescotti, i , did the technique become frequently used by printers. Woodcut music illustrations made possible the early printing of theoretical works on music without the expensive production of mensural music types or fonts of complex plainchant neumes They constitute, therefore, an important part of fifteenth-century music printing Multiple editions of several titles prove the heavy demand for such publications; the large number of extant copies of such books as the folio Practica Musicae of suggests that publishers printed many copies in anticipation of high sales Not only students but also professors purchased the books: Incunabula with music printed in Italy from woodcuts were not as concentrated in major centers of printing as were music books printed from type, presumably because the woodcuts were more easily produced by local craftsmen than were music types Bologna's single music book using woodcuts was a textbook printed for use at the local university; Brescia's four editions honored local authors; Rome's edition of Verardus was aimed at the fol-.
The two editions of the Practica Musicae of Gaffurio use the same woodcuts. Formi, 18 Facsimile edition, Milan: Emerich began using a small type in The fact that in I Emerich published an octavo missal with forty-six pages of woodcut music D 93 suggests that he lacked capital to purchase music type at that time; his first music printed from type appeared in a quarto missal of August D 98 While the designs of plainchant type are very similar, the length of the note stem is a variable that dramatically changes the appearance of printed chant The stem lengths of Roman Large Missal types are compared in Table i8 The lightness and.
An attempt to follow the documentation from the Venetian archives for privileges for the first publication of the gradual and antiphonal in roman plainchant reveals a confusing sequence of requests by several individuals: I January Bernardino Stagnino requested a privilege of ten years to print the "Antifonario e Graduale di canto.
Valentine Loerner, A typecutter and printer in Venice from to , he was from Transylvania, then a part of Hungary, and was formerly known as Sigismund Corwin: Cum privilegio concesso ab illustrissimo Venetorum domino pro dicto graduali modo impresso et etiam pro antiphonario et psalmista iam immediate imprimendis: With a privilege granted by the most illustrious Signoria of Venice for the said manner of printing of the gradual and also for the antiphonal and psalter immediately to be printed: Despite the apparent expenditure of time and money by several printers and by the Venetian Senate and College of Counselors, Giunta managed to secure the privilege for plainchant service books that would bring his family money for reprints for more than a century It is not clear what happened to the privileges for printing choirbooks that were granted in to the Venetian Tommaso and the Brescian Britannico; perhaps they were unable to secure financial backing for so expensive an undertaking as was mentioned in Tommaso's privilege The large capital letters printed in red in the Giunta choirbooks may well be those cut by Corbo The alphabetic and music types cut for the choirbooks may have been acquired from Venetian type designers in a similar fashion, perhaps from Corbo's fellow countryman Jacomo Ungaro In the fifteenth.
Motive pastorali e aspetti commerciali," La Bibliofilia 83 1 Princeton University Press, i , pp Proctor, I: Were Venetian music types designed by type professionals? Giunta, Scoto, Paganini, Sessa, and probably Torresani and others as well The men who actually printed music books were not always. The circumstances surrounding the music type introduced by Christoph Valdarfer at Milan in strongly suggest a link to the north Valdarfer, the first music printer in Milan, is known to have traveled from Milan to Basel to enter the employ of the printer Bernhard Richel during I, when Richel issued the Missale Basiliense with music.
Frammento tipografico della Biblioteca Parsoniana," La Bibliofilia 56 Missale Romanun with space for music in In [ he would have been about twenty-five years old, connected with printing, and without a shop; night he have become acquainted with music type it the printing of Han's Missale Romanum in at Rome? Because the earliest Venetian music types cannot be associated with particular craftsmen, there is no way to connect them with the beginning of music printing The first, a mensural type, was used by Theodor Franck of Wurzburg, who is described in the colophon simply as one who labored on the book "fert opus" The second type was used in books issued by Scoto, a publisher who seems to have preferred to hire others to print his books From Petrucci's privilege we find it was common knowledge that protracted attempts had been made outside Italy to develop music type for both mensural and plainchant notations: Part II presents thirty-eight numbered type specimens, representing each music type used in Italy in the fifteenth century The types are arranged in chronological order, first by city, in the sequence in which music printing appeared in Italian cities, and, within each city, by printer An account of the career of each printer and comments on the types used by him precede the type specimens for that printer The type specimens have been prepared by isolating individual types from photographs developed to original size, verified by a ruler in the positive print Where a problem of scale exists for an individual photograph, a note appears on the type specimen Some specimens remain provisional, either because the examined copies of the books containing the types lack one or more leaves that could supply further designs of a type or because analysis of a type.
R for roman, G for gothic, A for ambrosian, M for mensural Within. Table 21 provides sample descriptions of music types Music types are named using the vocabulary of sixteenth-century documents in which music types begin to be spoken of by name see pp Early documents distinguish first between plainchant, mensural, and tablature notations Next they indicate the general size or format of the book in which the type is to be used, coupled with the name of the book for example, plainchant large missal, plainchant medium processional, and so on i Mary Kay Duggan, "A System for Describing Fifteenth-Century Music Type," Gutenberg-Jahrbuch I , Table 2.
Types are labeled, then, by descriptions that include i A letter designating the kind of notation 2 A number indicating chronology, first by city, then by printer 3 A name designating the size, usually related to format 4 A formula of measurement of the staff and common note Thus the four plainchant types of Emerich of Speier at Venice are designated: Ri8 Roman Medium Missal, I3. The earliest known music printed in Italy is found in the Missale Romanum of Ulrich Han, completed in Rome on I2 October, I The best source of information concerning its printing is the colophon: To Uldaricus Gallus Goose, custodian of Jove's Tarpeius, under which the Gauls fell while you flapped your wings, an avenger is here Uldaricus Gallus taught that man does not need a feather; there is no use for it He prints in one day what cannot be written in a year; his genius cannot be harmed, man conquers all Campano refers to Livy's story of the goose that saved Rome from the Gauls He calls Ulricus Gal-.
He was certainly a publisher, twice with Cardella: Sub iussu Ulrici Galli Teutonici: Olschki, , pp He concluded that the relationship of the missal types used for the Vienna Almanac and the Passio Christi needed further investigation, a work that was occupying him at the time of his death in August I For further details of Han's life and work, see Ferdinand Geldner, "Zum fruhesten deutschen und italienischen Buchdruck Mainz-Baiern-Foligno Johannes Neumeister und Ulrich Han?
Supplement, pp ; Friedrich. Scientia Verlag Aalen, , i: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica e Archivista, , 2: A domino Udalrico gallo almano felicit impressos A prudent viro Simone Nicholai Chardella de lucha merchatore fide dignissimo H Printed by master Udalricus Gallus, German, and by the prudent man Simone Nicolas Cardella of Lucca, merchant of very good faith In another book the two men swear to return a Lactantius manuscript used as a copytext, acting as responsible agents together Colophons are less emphatic about Han's role as a printer The verb imprimere appears frequently in colophons without being linked to Han's name: Sed nove artis ac solerti industrie genere Rome impressa Not by the stylus or pen, but by a new art and method cleverly and painstakingly printed in Rome.
In and , books were issued with the statement "impressum per Ulricum gallum alamanum"; by that time the printer must have already been present who was to take over the shop in 80 see the discussion of Stephan Planck, below The possibility exists that Ulricus Gallus was a wealthy priest whose involvement in the book trade was less at the technical level of printing than at the financial and intellectual level of providing capital for the furnishing of a shop, bringing selected theological, classical, and liturgical texts to print, and acting as official printer for the papacy If Han was a publisher rather than a printer, who might have been responsible for the actual printing of the books issued in his name?
The accomplished German printer Sixtus Riessinger apparently issued the first book in Rome, the Letters of St Jerome, half finished by March and completed early in Riessinger's move to Naples Another group of German printers who arrived in Italy in the s included one who would later issue music incunabula, Stephan Arndes Graduale Suecicum, , who printed with Johann Neumeister in Foligno in and then formed a partnership with Crafto of Mainz He moved to Perugia in or but is not named as printer of a book until He reappeared in as a printer in Germany.
The Missale Romanum is a masterpiece of music printing, far beyond the experimental stages of the craft The staves and notes are well designed and cut, printed clearly and strongly on paper or vellum, precisely registered for the proper placement of black notes on red staves, and luxuriously spaced with eight staves per column mm high on a large folio page of mm Paris copy The black text and notes were printed in a second impression after the red text and staves Han and his successor in Rome, Stephan Planck, usually used a five-line staff, though occasionally four-line staves appear The strong, wide lines of the staves stretch the width of a column and are never shortened for initials or rubrics The lines are straight, uninterrupted, and of consistent length The two sharp edges of staff lines and the smooth spreading of the ink over the o.
I, and , as well as for the musically much more ambitious pontificals of and The books of Han and Planck used an identical technique for setting staves: Or was it produced by an unnamed specialist in music type? Han's employ is scarcely to be doubted Someone in Rome after Han's departure had the ability to design and cut music type, because a few characters were added to Han's font see the type specimen, Ri A likely candidate for the typefounder is Planck himself The colophon of the first book printed by Planck states that Stephan Planck of Passau was printing "in the house of the former magister Udalricus Gallus Barbatus.
Podatus 4 Missale Romanum, , 2. An abbreviated gradual was the first known book printed by Damiano Moilli and his brother Bernardo Moilli de Moylle, di Moli Dated io April i at Parma, this book was the second dated printed music and the first printed gradual in roman plainchant; the earlier Graduale printed about , without printer or place, had used gothic plainchant types Just six months earlier, in Rome, Han had printed the first music in Italy and the first roman plainchant The wording of the colophon of the Parma Graduale shows an awareness of its historical importance: Musica Bernardo Damiano fratribus ars est Sic impressa prius: I die x aprilis The art of music is for the first time printed thusly [in the gradual] by the brothers Bernardo and Damiano, whom Parma bore as members of the Moylle family: A gradual is a book of the music rather than the text of the Mass, so nearly every one of the leaves of the Parma Graduale contains music, in contrast to only 16 leaves of music in Han's Missale The abbreviated form of the printed Graduale contrasts with the expanded versions of manuscript graduals written in Damiano's shop in the I48os and i49os for the Benedictine monastery of S Giovanni Evangelista in Parma for example, the gradual of leaves, Parma, Bib Pal.
FIG 34 Graduale Parma: FIG 35 Graduale Parma: Greatly reduced in size Notes or neumes printed above or below the staff were cast as kerned designs extending beyond the type body in order to be set next to the standard body of the alphabetic type see R2 type specimen: Graduale Romanum, Parma, Damiano and Bernardo Moilli, io IV i; Lodi, Biblioteca Comunale Laudense; the author's photographs taken with a hand-held camera scale may be slightly off from top to bottom of a photo Editions: Virga B, stem on left used only in combination with other types to form neumes I in clivis 92 x 4 a kern removed?
Torculus i center note only, apparently with stems at right and left Torculus 2 center note 6. Direct kerned at top and bottom? I X 26 a broken at top b broken at bottom c broken 2 small, for interior placement Semibreve for mensural notation combination of virga A2 [inverted] and punctum i Bar lines rules , about 55 mm.
Theodor Franck of Wurzburg appears as a printer in only one book, the first edition of the Grammatica Venice, 21 March I , by the Dominican Francesco Niger In Book 8 are sections on meter, rhythm, and harmony, the last of which is illustrated with six pages of the first printed mensural music The publisher of the Grammatica was Johann Lucilius Santritter, a mathematician and astronomer from Heilbronn who between and published books with several Venetian printers: Santritter helbronna genitus de gente ioannes Lucilius prompsit grammata docta nigri Herbipolisque satus socio sudore lacunis Hoc uenetis francus fert theodorus opus Santritter, son of a Heilbronn family, Johannes Lucilius, publishes the grammar of the learned Niger By the exertion of a native of Wurzburg and associate, The Franconian, Theodore, did this work in Venice.
Santritter was apparently the publisher "prompsit grammata" and his associate the printer "fert opus" The text types include a Latin font very close to those of Nicolas Jenson and Johannes Rubeus and a Greek font that cannot be distinguished from that of Johannes Rubeus Franck was still known in Venice in but apparently was not again associated with printing. Claudio Sartori, Dizionario degli editori musicali italiani tipografi, incisori, librai-editori Florence: Olschki, , p i FIG 37 Proposed body size of the longs in MI comes from the frequent impressions of type shoulders, especially at the top and bottom of the 2 I mm space and also at a point 4 mm from the top Another piece of evidence that small designs were cast on large bodies is the incorrect impression of the point, or punctum see Fig 38, staff i ; it falls much too low instead of immediately after the semibreve it affects Other misplaced points occur on f 9 7, staff 2 Thus while there are only nine punch designs on the type specimen sheet, this music font would have consisted of about fourteen to eighteen different sorts The missing staff could be drawn in without difficulty The normal five-line staff for.
Italy, fourteen in Germany, twelve in the United States, three in Paris, two in London, two in Budapest, and one in Yugoslavia, for a total of at least fifty-two suggests that the book survived well because it was one of the least-used books on the library shelf The argument seems valid that the audience of interested scholars who were literate in mensural notation was small There are distinct similarities between this mensural type and that used by Petrucci in In his dissertation on Petrucci Boorman included a type specimen of the mensural music type used by Petrucci, with measurements: During his career in Venice Ottaviano Scoto issued seven missals, six with music and one with space for music The first four appeared before , when he still called himself a printer, and include the first plainchant printed in Venice: Although Meyer-Baer classified the Missale as having appeared in two states, one with printed staves M-B and one with blank space for music M-B , my examination of eight copies revealed only one state, with blank space for music Although raster-drawn staves can be quite regular see Fig 39 , variation in width of line, intensity of color, the way the ink spreads, difference in quality of penned ink from printed ink, the occasional angled line from the pen having been lifted, and so on all show that the lines were not printed In addition, the Huntington Library copy has three-line staves that are drawn in single lines without a raster and on one leaf of the Siena copy the staves are drawn straight across the page without columns Proof of the demand for different kinds of notation is the existence of a variety of notations in the Missale: The fact that two folio and quarto music type fonts appear only in Scoto's books appears to support his claim to be both printer and publisher: Florence; Biblioteca Comunale, Ferrara; and British Library, London, have printed staves and notes except for f mIV, which has staves only None of the copies had notes printed on the two staves of f mi", the short "Ecce Lignum" for Good Friday A glance at the opening of that antiphon reveals a melismatic passage with complex liquescent neumes that was beyond the capabilities of the typefont A compositor had either to reduce the neumes to single notes or to leave the passage blank The notes I took on my brief visits to Florence and Ferrara are not detailed enough to tell if any of the Italian copies omitted printed notes on the staves of the first leaves with music ff i5-i6 , but the London copy has printed notes for the Palm Sunday service The m gathering of twelve leaves is signed in all copies: Scoto was born in Monza near Milan He appears to have entered the book trade in Venice about The priest Boneto Locatello was printer in ordinary to Scoto, and he used other printers the Gregori brothers, Leoviler, Zani, Tacuino, Hamman, Capcasa, Gusago, Pensi, Vercellensi as well, though infrequently.
Dictionnaire geographique d'Italie pour servir a l'histoire de l'imprimerie dans ce pays Florence: Olschki, , p Bernardino Benali, a native of Bergamo, had become a master printer in Venice by and continued printing books there as late as Although his output was no more than moderate in quantity, he printed some beautiful illustrated books such as the Supplementum Chronicarum of Jacopo Filippo de Bergame and important first editions such as the dictionary of Calepinus He was the second Venetian printer of plainchant music and the first to print music in octavo format Proctor's attribution of twenty-three text types to Benali suggests that he either was himself or had access to a type designer The latter is probably correct since at the end of his collaboration iI with Lazzaro di Soardi, Benali was awarded a font of cast type and punches for a small text type that the two men had commissioned from a Venetian typefounder.
The first signature of the book to contain music includes mis-signings that support the idea of an interruption of the normal printing sequence: Arrivabene's compositor finished the black second impression of f gi, stopped work to omit the first folio with notes, and began his next black form with a new signature letter by mistake The only other mis-signing in the book, f y3 as y, is not connected with music With the aid of a type specimen of Benali's R6, Roman Medium Missal, it has been possible to identify the music type of a quarto missal without date, printer, or place Fig 4 as that of Benali: The text type has not been connected with a printer Because its Crucifixion woodcut has been considered to be first used by Torti in a Missale, ' the anonymous Missale has been attributed to Venice and dated ca i49o In the light of the discovery that its music type is the same as that used by Benali in Io XI Missale Romanum, 4 M-B, p 23 "no space for music" W D 69 Piasi's type is identical in size and design, although he did not use the diagonal As in the ca I Missale D 84 , the type fits the small staff of the quarto format much better than that of the folio format Piero di Piasi Petrus de Plasus, de Cremona, called Veronensus came to Venice from Cremona He began printing with the issue of a breviary in Venice with Bartolomeo di' Blavi in and was printing until at least I His editions include five breviaries one called a missal by Hain I 37I and one missal.
In Benali printed one or two folio missals and a quarto? Simone Gabi, called Bevilaqua, of Pavia, began printing in Vicenza in He later moved to Venice and printed until I After a period as an itinerant printer he established a shop in Lyons, in I5I5.
Ryksmuseum Meermanno-Westreenianum, The Hague. The staff of the folio missal with the large missal type was printed from small, cast metal segments nested together to form lines Lines printed from such small segments that do not abut as well as they might cannot compare to the even product seen in the first Italian music of , but the book was probably much cheaper and intended for a wider audience Even a relatively undemanding buyer, however, must have been upset by such flagrant errors in typesetting as the "Per omnia saecula saeculorum" a step too low on the staff f n7V.
Johann Hamman, called Hertzog, was a native of Landau in the Speier diocese of Germany, near the Rhine River south of Mainz and Mannheim Between and he printed eighty-five books, all in Venice except his last, which was printed in Speier. J Rosenthal, ], pp and Bohatta Liturgische Bibliographie, p 2 no 17 ascribe the Agenda Brevis to the use of Passau because of the publisher's location at Nuremberg.
Hamman consistently used fewer type designs than Emerich, dispensing with the alternate sizes of diagonals and the stemless characters necessary for combining type to form ligatures He had no need for the elaborate ligatures required for printing the melismatic text of a processional, gradual, antiphonal, or Liber Catechumeni Quarter, half, and full bar lines for the various kinds of pauses in chant can be seen in some of the books printed in R9 and RIo, but GI uses no bar lines, and R i uses only a full bar line Such variety may indicate that the printer followed his copytext Hamman's first plainchant type was a Roman Large Missal, R9 In its first appearance R9 has only one pointed note, the virga cum orisco, with the rest of the noteheads nearly square at the corners The.
The second appearance of Emerich's R 18 was in an octavo Dominican Processionarium 9 October , the only instance in Hamman's and Emerich's careers of the use of a type designed for one format in a book of another That deviation supports the hypothesis that a privilege prevented 18 A pressus follows a note on the same pitch and serves to lengthen and intensify it According to current performance practice it should be sung "with more intensity, or even, if it be preferred, tremolo" Liber Usualis, p xii In this missal the pressus usually occurs at the beginning of a climacus 19 Haebler, Die deutschen Buchdrucker, pp I8; Rogers, "Hamman," p Virga pointed I 1.
Torti came from the southern part of Italy, the town of Nicastro in Calabria, to print his first book in Venice, the Missale of 48 i He continued publishing until , gradually coming to specialize in glossed legal folios That he printed books for Scoto and Giunta is clear from a contract of I among Torti, his brother Silvestro, Luca Antonio Giunta, Amadeo Scoto, and Giorgio Arrivabene It provides a detailed description of how such an association of printers and publishers functioned.
Missale of 28 November Torti's type varies little from Scoto's quarto type; Torti's virga is slightly more pointed, and his podatus has more space between the upper and lower notes Torti's staff was probably printed from brass rules A strong indication that in Torti was reprinting the I quarto is found by comparing the music on ff m I and m6 of the Missale see Figs 44 and 45 The music on f mi" is crowded Some neumes are set upside down, and strangely 21 Essling, Crucifixion no 2 bis, p 57 and illustration on p The Torti Missale is not included in Essling.
Cristoforo de Pensi of Mandello on Lake Como printed one book in Venice in , two in , one each in the next two years, and more frequent issues until his last book in I Teodoro Ragazzoni and his brothers Giacomo and Francesco came from Asola to be printers in Venice in the last decades of the fifteenth century Between and I5oo Teodoro issued twenty-three books, many of them liturgical.
The usual Venetian unpointed virga has a long stem, with two shorter stemmed variants and a stemless version for use on the bottom line of the staff A virga with the stem on the left also has a variant with a shorter stem The diagonal has an almost imperceptible curve and a long stem with a shorter variant The first note of the podatus is the only pointed notehead The F clef has a long stem with a shorter alternate There are no kerned types, with the possible exception of the direct The bottom of the stemmed forms abut the text type, as does the stemless virga The use of rules to print the staff provides an irregular base for the music type, causing some difficulty in having noteheads fall squarely on lines and spaces The overall impression of Ragazzoni's music is of irregularity both in type design and in printing 23 BMC V: Punctum, 32 Lozenge printed irregularities due to poor matrix?
Podatus Diagonal F clef I I. On the download or on bitcoin, all Sacrifice The Legacy Trilogy is needed to start an application is two nodes, two people, two systems. We first need to include the required libraries:. Then, we also need to set the Wi-Fi name and password of the board:. STEP 1 Measure and mark 6 inches 15 cm from one end of the rod.. The University of Texas at Austin, Supervisors: The subject is the fresco or mosaic decoration featuring a pergola — a depicted trelliswork covered with plants and peopled with birds — in the loggias, porticoes, and garden pavilions of villas and palaces in Rome and its environs.
These pictorial fictions have survived in sufficient numbers to constitute a decorative trend, and moreover, appear in clusters at specific periods, which can be partly explained by means of the cultural factors predominant at the time. The dissertation discusses these pergolas in relation to antiquarian culture, the collecting of plants and birds, the study of natural history, garden furnishings and the art of treillage, thereby contextualizing them within the culture of early modern Rome.
Important cultural issues relevant to each period are identified, and proposed as the frameworks for study. These include the reference to the antique and to the vernacular, mediation between indoors and outdoors, the tension between art and craft and the ambiguity of the pseudo-architectural, semantic and aesthetic cross reference between architecture and garden, and the reflection of the intellectual culture.
On examination, the illusionistic pergolas are revealed to be a nexus of interrelationships between built structure, ornamented surface, garden and landscape, as well as multivalent embodiments of emerging ideas and sensibilities concerning the experience of architectural space and nature. By taking into account the middle ground of architecture and garden, the study explores the multivalence of ephemeral garden furnishings and their fictive counterparts, opening up a new perspective on the sites examined, and attempts to see a resonance of the tradition in modern times.
Il libro della agricoltura List of illusionistic pergolas in Italy, Herbals and the study of plants Botanical gardens in sixteenth-century Italy Catherine in a Rose Garden James before Herod Agrippa Christopher, the martyrdom of St. A1 Jacob Meydenbach, Hortus Sanitatis , illustration of narcissus A2 Conrad von Megenberg, Buch der Natur , illustration of plants A3 Carrara Herbal , two pine trees A4 Carrara Herbal , vine A5 Liber de simplicibus or Herbal of Benedetto Rinio , poppy A10 Circular design for a garden of medicinal plants, Olivier de Serres A11 Square design for a garden of medicinal plants, Olivier de Serres The term is used to designate the pictorial decoration of a pergola — a trelliswork covered with climbing plants and peopled with birds and small animals — in the architectural space of loggias, porticoes, and garden pavilions in the villas and palaces of early modern Italy figs.
Major villas and palaces in Rome and its environs that have been relatively well studied for their architecture and gardens often had an illusionistic pergola. By using the word illusionistic, I intend not just to refer to the ornamented surface but also to evoke the spatial dimension of the decoration. The marked characteristic of these pergolas is their illusionism, which involves them in a larger dimension of spatial relationships between ornamented surface, built structure, gardens and the larger landscape.
These fictive pergolas have survived in sufficient numbers in Rome and its environs to constitute a decorative trend, and moreover, appear in clusters at distinct periods.
After the third period, we see relatively few of them, and they appear to have fallen out of vogue. In this study, we will refer to these three periods of the proliferation of the illusionistic pergola as the first, second and third periods. On basis of these manifestations of the illusionistic pergola, our chronological scope is defined from to This type of decoration is also seen in Tuscany, Emilia-Romagna, Veneto, and Lombardy, but the examples from these regions do not 1 Cf. The central and northern Italian examples were limited within the sphere of the patronage of a single family, to non-recurrent sporadic manifestations, or to imitations following the trend in Rome.
Consequently, our geographical focus will be primarily on Rome and Lazio, and relevant examples from other regions will be brought in as parallels as necessary. The majority of the examples are in fresco, and relatively few are in mosaic or painted stucco, hence our emphasis on painting as the primary medium of these decorations. The study will also seek to shed light on garden furnishings and the art of treillage or trelliswork that played a significant role in the garden culture of the time.
As the depiction of the pergola would more or less have been modeled on real pergolas in contemporary gardens, it is necessary to consider the real pergolas alongside other ephemeral green architecture. It is appropriate to situate these three periods in the cultural context of sixteenth- century Rome. The first period corresponds to the antiquarian revival in Rome, when Raphael and his workshop dominated the artistic production. From the early decades of the sixteenth century, a conscious adoption of antique forms and design principles was the dominant current in the artistic milieu of the papal capital.
Artists studied and looked to antique architecture for ideas, and designed buildings and landscapes to emulate the grandeur of classical antiquity. This first manifestation of painted pergolas was short- lived, only a matter of about five years, and confined to the city of Rome. The commissions were mostly papal or from the papal entourage. After , we witness a period of relative inactivity in regard to the creation of illusionistic pergolas until around , when these pictorial fictions reappear, this time in the villas in the environs and the hilltowns around Rome.
From until , we see a number of painted pergolas created in the major villas in Lazio as well as in the palaces within the city. The patrons of this period were the powerful aristocratic families — the Medici, the Este, and the Farnese — as well as the cardinals and aristocrats in the ambit of these families, who had obtained a social base in Rome from the first half of the sixteenth century. These were commissioned by the newly emerging families, who established themselves in the papal capital from the second half of the sixteenth century, the Borghese and the Aldobrandini among them.
The story of the illusionistic pergola is inextricably related to the classical tradition and the culture of natural history. The pergola played an important role in the social and cultural life of Roman antiquity, as a dining pergola, a vine-covered pavilion, or a shady promenade. Renaissance Italy saw a strong revival of ancient forms, and antique motifs and notions were adopted and ancient customs reenacted in the decorated space of the illusionistic pergola.
The painted pergolas also reflected the introduction of new species of flora and fauna and the development of natural history studies. The painted pergolas are fundamentally about horticulture, and their depiction of various plant species in realistic manner make them a showcase of botanical collections and a reflection of the intellectual culture of the period. Although its use and popularity waxed and waned according to cultural concerns, its revival in the period is suggestive of the timeless significance of the pergola, which continues to find a resonance in modern architecture and landscape design.
By taking into account the middle ground of architecture and garden, the study explores the multivalence of pictorial fictions and ephemeral garden furnishings, opening up a new perspective on the sites examined, and attempts to see a resonance of the tradition in modern times. By virtue of their quantity, quality, and content, as well as their importance in the ornamentation of Italian Renaissance architecture, they deserve careful documentation, study, interpretation, and contextualization. Her Garten-, Landschafts- und Paradiesmotive im Innenraum: Eine ikonographische Untersuchung provides a solid groundwork for the study of the depiction of nature, through its documentation of garden and landscape depictions and motifs of nature in interior decoration, as well as its wide chronological and geographical scope covering ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia to eighteenth-century Germany.
This work became the starting point for my investigation, and I owe much to it for the basic information on the major examples. The core of my ever-expanding list of illusionistic pergolas derives from the examples treated in her chapter on Renaissance and Mannerism. Negro identifies the sixteenth- century tradition of painted pergolas, and points out the use of the decoration in spaces immersed in nature and serving as mediation between indoors and outdoors.
Negro cites examples of the so-called Madonna della Pergola, and also touches briefly on the connection of the painted pergola with the classical tradition. These are excellent works in terms of the documentation and the descriptive analysis of the iconography and the interpretation of the illusionistic pergolas.
She also identifies the origins of the illusionistic representation of nature in classical antiquity, the issue of the transition between indoors and outdoors, and the fusion of architecture and nature. Alongside works on painted pergolas, those relevant to real pergolas also need mention.
Just as natural was its consignment to obsolescence when new types became available that were easier to set and allowed more music on the page, even though they lacked the capacity for printing complex neumes and liquescence. J Dodivers, I, no Note: The second appearance of Emerich's R 18 was in an octavo Dominican Processionarium 9 October , the only instance in Hamman's and Emerich's careers of the use of a type designed for one format in a book of another That deviation supports the hypothesis that a privilege prevented 18 A pressus follows a note on the same pitch and serves to lengthen and intensify it According to current performance practice it should be sung "with more intensity, or even, if it be preferred, tremolo" Liber Usualis, p xii In this missal the pressus usually occurs at the beginning of a climacus 19 Haebler, Die deutschen Buchdrucker, pp I8; Rogers, "Hamman," p I99 X I30 mm. If an extra ledger line was needed above or below the staff and reached into the space of the text type as in Fig. Provenance, vellum leaf at front: Opus hoc sacriu impreffum eft:
It contains a set of essays by garden historians, which provide a rough outline of the pergolas in ancient, medieval, and early modern Europe, as well as Victorian England and the modern and contemporary periods, and thus delineate a continuity of the pergola 4 Fagiolo and Giusti , A unique approach to pergolas is proposed in a chapter in a survey of decorative arts, Alain Gruber ed. Renaissance and Mannerism Gruber, in the chapter on knotwork or interlace, approaches the topic from a broad perspective, and insightfully includes examples of painted trelliswork featuring knotwork.
The examples discussed are the painted pergolas created in the cultural centers of northern Italy by Mantegna, Correggio, and Parmigianino. The possibility of situating them within the rich history of knotwork or interlace ornament opens up a fruitful avenue for us to pursue in our study of the painted pergolas. However, it still remains for us to consider the illusionistic pergolas for what they may have been, namely a cultural phenomenon of the Renaissance and a kind of formal and artistic code for the expression of cultural identity on the part of the patrons.
Given the lack of a systematic study on the illusionistic pergola that provides both concrete descriptive information and cultural context, my intention is to undertake a first attempt for such a comprehensive work. I am aware that the objective is far too ambitious to be accomplished within the scope of a dissertation. The main objective of this study is to interpret them within the framework of the classical tradition and the intellectual and garden culture, thereby situating them in the cultural context of early modern Rome.
It defines the illusionistic pergola as a Renaissance invention, a cultural phenomenon that started in Rome in the early sixteenth century. My ultimate purpose is not merely to characterize these exquisite pictorial fictions as cause and effect, but to excavate some of the emotional and intellectual impulses behind their emergence. The illusionistic pergolas are revealed to be a nexus of interrelationships between built structure, ornamented surface, garden and landscape, as well as multivalent embodiments of emerging ideas and sensibilities in regard to the experience of nature.
Bound into these ideas and sensibilities, however, are more fundamental values and strategies that reflect the cultural dynamics of early modern Rome. The two chapters following the Introduction, namely chapters 2 and 3, provide a historical survey of precedents and prototypes, and the background for the study proper of our illusionistic pergolas. Chapter 2 focuses on the pergola in Roman antiquity; depictions of the pergola in ancient Roman and Late Antique art, archaeological remains of gardens in the Vesuvian region, as well as the treatment of pergolas in the agricultural literature will be discussed.
Chapter 3 focuses on the depiction and treatment of the pergola in literary texts, painting and the graphic arts from the early medieval period to the seventeenth century. Italy remains our main focus, but the countries north of the Alps — France, the Netherlands, and England — will also be covered. Early illustrated books, maps, prints and drawings represent the pergola as fully integrated in the pleasure garden, in some cases indulging fanciful designs. With the diffusion of printing and the wide circulation of printed illustrated books and prints, the pergola gains a significant presence in the world of garden prints and illustrations.
There, it starts to develop a virtual life of its own, independent of that of its real counterpart in the garden. Chapters 4 through 7 constitute the core of our study of the illusionistic pergola. The architectural context of the painted pergola, as well as its function as a space for the experience of nature will be taken into consideration. Chapter 4 focuses on the first period of the proliferation of illusionistic pergolas in Rome, The popes and cardinals, the so-called princes of the Church, were the major patrons of these works.
The chapter begins with an etymological survey of the loggia, as the loggia was the semi-interior space frequently decorated with nature motifs. It also includes a survey of quattrocento Roman loggias, and the discussion of the notion of the view, which was an important design concept in loggias. Giovanni da Udine, a painter trained in northern Italy and specializing in the depiction of nature, is credited as the inventor of the illusionistic pergola, in that he first applied the design in an architectural space of considerable scale. Chapter 5 focuses on the real pergolas in the villas and gardens of Rome and its environs in the sixteenth century.
The design and the construction technique of the pergola, as well as its use in the larger system of circulation networks within the estate will be discussed. The villa was a locus of a lively interaction with nature and the sensuous experience of the outdoors, engaging the visual, aural, olfactory and haptic senses to the full. A heritage of the classical tradition, the villa epitomized the values of the rus and otium, as an antithesis to the urbs and negotium.
The informality of the villa extended beyond its material manifestations, and embraced the liberation and relaxation of the mind. Chapter 6 focuses on the second period of the proliferation of the illusionistic pergolas in Rome and its environs, The examples from this period constitute the finest examples of the illusionistic pergola, in terms of artistic quality, spatial effect, and scale.
Commissioned by the powerful aristocratic families who established themselves in Rome from the early sixteenth century, the Medici, the Farnese, and the Este among them, the illusionistic pergolas of this period were used in representational spaces as tools of dynastic display and visual encyclopedias of flora and fauna.
They were decorations of semi-interiors — mediating spaces situated along the blurring boundary of indoors and outdoors, such as loggias, porticoes, and garden pavilions. These pictorial fictions developed in parallel with ephemeral green architecture — real pergolas, walkways covered with vegetation, and tree houses — which were equally ambiguous spaces in terms of indoor-outdoor relationships. During the second period, real pergolas and painted pergolas were consciously used in combination within the same estate as aesthetic and semantic counterpoints.
Chapter 7 focuses on the third period of the proliferation of the illusionistic pergolas in Rome and its environs, Created under the patronage of families who arrived in Rome from the second half of the sixteenth century — the Borghese and the Aldobrandini among them — the painted pergolas from the third period are characterized by the variety of the depicted flowers and birds, as well as a marked emphasis on elaborate design. They also represented the new botanical and ornithological species introduced from the Orient or the Americas: The painted trelliswork reflected the practice of treillage, which was developing into a highly sophisticated art.
The appearance of the painted pergolas in clusters, as outlined above, reveals the social competition and cultural emulation among prominent aristocratic families in early modern Rome. Chapter 8 provides the context of the intellectual culture, the background of the illusionistic pergolas. It is by no means an exhaustive survey of relevant topics, but a selection of major issues that would highlight the intersection between the artistic manifestations and the cultural context, key figures among artists and scholars, displays of collections in gardens and museums, and horticultural treatises, among them.
Our story concludes with an epilogue on the meaning and legacy of the illusionistic pergola, ending with its revival in Europe and in the United States around the turn of the twentieth century. This chapter will cover the pergola in the Roman world from the Republican period to the Late Antique period.
In antiquity, the pergola appears prominently in the following three areas: The first area consists of practical writings on viticulture, in particular by Columella, and the letters of Pliny the Younger, which include the description of pleasure villas. The second area concerns the gardens of Pompeii and other centers of the Vesuvian region, as those are the sites that have been best documented so far.
The third area covers a wide range of pictorial representations executed in fresco and mosaic. Among the examples treated are the more or less straightforward depictions of pergolas — the fresco from the Boscoreale luxury villa and the Nile mosaic of Palestrina. Also included are the examples more evocative in terms of relevance — the vault decorations of Santa Costanza and late antique catacombs around Rome whose architectural and ornamental structure bears a formal similarity to the illusionistic pergolas of the Renaissance.
Etymological review It is appropriate to begin our discussion of the pergola in Roman antiquity from the basic overview of the etymology and the lexical connotations of the word. The connotation of movement in the first forms a contrast to the sedentary character of the second. The word arbor was also used with both meanings, thus interchangeably with pergola Oxford English Dictionary, The English pergola was derived from the Italian pergola, which in turn had its origins in the Latin pergula.
The primary meaning itself was a rather loose definition designating any kind of space that is attached to a main building, often of a temporary or flexible character. Rather than the aesthetic aspect of the design, the function of the structure and the space it constituted would have been its foremost characteristic. Theogenis mathematici pergulam … ascenderat Ascended to the room of the mathematician Theogenes. Agricultural literature An essential component of Roman agricultural treatises is the section on viticulture in which vine-training is described in detail.
While the earliest Roman agricultural manual by Cato B.
Quibus stat rectis vinea, dicuntur pedamenta; quae transversa iunguntur, iuga; ab eo quoque vineae iugatae. Pedamentum item fere quattuor generum: Inde enim aliquot colligates libris demittunt in tubulos fictiles cum fundo pertuso, quas cuspides appellant, qua umor adventicius transire posit. Quartum est pedamentum nativum eius generis, ubi ex arboribus in arbores traductis vitibus vinea fit, quos traduces quidam rumpos appellant.
Likewise, there are, as a rule, four types of props. The best for common use in the vineyard is a stout post, called ridica, made of oak or juniper. The second best is a stake made from a branch, and preferably from a tough one, so that it will last longer; when one end has rotted in the ground the stake is reversed, and what had been the top becoming the bottom. The third, which is used only as a substitute when the others are lacking, is formed of reeds; bundles of these, tied together with a bark, are planted in what they call cuspides, earthenware pipes with open bottoms so that the casual water can run out.
The fourth is the natural prop, where the vineyard is formed of vines growing across form tree to tree; such traveses are called rumpi. Iugorum genera fere quattuor, pertica, harundo, restes, vites; pertica ut in Falerno, harundo ut in Arpano, restes, ut in Brundisino, vites, ut in Mediolanensi.
Iugationis species duae, una derecta, ut in agro Canusino, altera compluviata in longitudinem et latitudinem iugata, ut in Italia pleraeque. There are two forms of trellising: In the treatise by Palladius fourth century A. Columella mentions the species that were coppiced for the provision of props, frames and withies for the vineyards — the osier- willow, the reed, and the chestnut. Vires sine adminiculo standi non sunt, velocitas pernix, levi umbra camaras ac pergula operiens.
Some people however prefer to start sowing gourds on March 1 and cucumbers on March 7, and to go on through the Feast of Minerva April 21, festival in celebration of the founding of Rome. These two plants both climb upward with shoots creeping over the rough surface of walls right up to the roof, as their nature is very fond of height. They have not the strength to stand without supports, but they shoot up at a rapid pace, covering vaulted roofs and trellises with a light shade. In short, by means of our hands we try to create as it were a second nature within the natural world.
The second nature is the cultural landscape agriculture, urban development, roads etc. In the Renaissance, humanist and historian Jacopo Bonfadio defined the garden as a third nature in , and and Bartolomeo Taegio also referred to the third nature, the garden, in his dialogue La villa Gregory of Nyssa c. Gregory of Nyssa, Letter 20 in Gregory in Silvas , Gregory of Nyssa, Letter But the native forest, in descending the hill-side meets at its foot the work of husbandry. Who could describe adequately in words the path under the overhanging vines and the sweet shade of the grapes and the new kind of wall made of lattices where the roses with their shoots and the vines with their trailers intertwine themselves together, making a wall fortified against attack from the sides, and the cistern of water at the summit of this course, and the fish being bred there?
Circa quem conveniunt in coronae speciem excelsorum montium pulcherrimae summitates, cuius ora praetoriorum luminibus decenter ornata quasi quodam cingulo Palladiae silvae perpetuis viriditatibus ambiuntur. The focus here is not the decorative feature of the vine and its potential for use in pleasure gardens, but rather the extraordinary character of this particular vine, capable of providing shade for the entire walkway as well as producing a large amount of grape juice yearly. Although the kinesthetic experience of strolls in the shade of the vine is implied, the main focus remains the utilitarian function of the pergola as support for the vine.
It is in the letters of Pliny the Younger that we find descriptions of spaces shaded by vine, which can be interpreted as intended purely for the enjoyment of the outdoors. The two letters by Pliny the Younger A. On the inner side of the path surrounding the garden was a shady walk of vines, soft and yielding to the tread even for barefoot strollers. But as an outdoor walkway made of vegetal materials, it would fall into the broader category of the pergola. The description certainly conveys the agreeable sensation of walking through a covered walkway formed by vines and the coolness of the shade, perceived by the sense of the touch.
At the upper end is a semicircular bench of white marble, shaded with vine supported by four small columns of Carystian marble. From the bench, the water, gushing forth through 34 Pliny the Younger, letter V. Adiacet gestationi interiore circuitu vinea tenera et umbrosa nudisque etiam pedibus mollis et cedens. At supper, the heavier dishes are placed around the margins, while the lighter ones swim around in the form of boats and water birds.
Opposite is a fountain which is constantly emptying and refilling; for the water, shooting high up in the air and falling unto itself, is received and elevated in connected basins. Pliny describes a garden room in his villa in Etruria where the walls were decorated by the depiction of foliage and birds perched among the branches,36 and another in which the vine climbs up to the roof and covers the entire building so that one would have the sensation of being in a wood. In capite stibadium candido marmore vite protegitur; vitem quattuor columellae Carystiae subeunt.
Ex stibadio aqua velut expressa cubantium pondere sipunculis effluit, cavato lapide suscipitur, gracili marmore continentur atque ita occulte temperatur, ut impleat nec redundet. Gustatiorum graviorque cena margini imponitur, levior navicularum et avium figures innatans circumit. Contra fons egerit acquam et recipit; nam explusa in altum in se cadit iunctisque hiatibus et absorbetur et tollitur.
Est et alium cubiculum a proxima platano viride et umbrosum, marmore excultum podio tenus, nec cedit gratiae marmoris ramos insidentesque ramis aves imitata pictura. Fonticulus in hoc in fonte crater; circa sipunculi plures miscent iucundissimum murmur. There is another room, close to the nearest plane tree, which enjoys the verdure and the shade; the podium is decorated with marble all over, and the wall above painted in imitation of boughs and birds perched among the branches, which has an effect non the less lovelier than the marble.
In this room is a small fountain, whose water, flowing through several small pipes into a basin, produces a most agreeable murmuring sound. Mox zothecula refugit quasi in cubiculum idem atque aliud. Lectus hic et undique fenestrae, et tamen lumen obscurum umbra premente. Nam latissima vitis per omne tectum in culmen nititur et ascendit. Non secus ibi quam in nemore iaceas, imbrem tantum tamquam in nemore non sentias.
Hic quoque fons nascitur simulque subducitur. Next one retreats to a small alcove in the same room but separated from it. There is a couch and windows on every side, but the light is dim and the room is in the shade. The dichotomy of indoors and outdoors, and house and garden has been used as a theoretical framework for the understanding of Roman garden spaces.
However, for the psychological understanding of the architectural space of the ancient Roman house and garden, it is necessary to introduce the notion of a middle ground or in-between space. I would propose that there is yet an intermediary space between the house and garden, which is neither the indoors nor the outdoors.
The ambiguity of these liminal spaces would evoke various physical and psychological reactions on the part of the occupant. The atrium, the peristyle garden, the diaeta a garden room or pavilion — ambiguous spaces in regard to their physical characterization — abound in the ancient Roman architectural complex, and the pergola can be considered one of them. Our survey of the etymology and the agricultural and villa literature suggests that the pergola, which presumably originated as a humble structure made of inexpensive materials and having a utilitarian function, acquired an independent architectural space and became an entity on its own from the turn of the first century A.
Ancient Roman gardens The excavation of the gardens in the Vesuvian region by Wilhelmina Jashemski has shown that the pergola was a popular component of ancient Roman gardens. The plots range from middle-class and upper-class residences, a public garden, a sacred precinct, to an inn.
From these surviving examples, we see that the supports of and covers the entire roof. Here you can imagine yourself lying in a wood, except that you would be protected from the rain. Here, too, a fountain rises and instantly disappears. The upper framework, where the plant was to climb and form a vegetal ceiling, appears to have been in wood.
According to their function, these pergolas can be classified into three types: The dining pergola and the arbored passageway may have dated from earlier times, but archaeological remains of pergolas of a purely decorative nature date from the first century A. In pictorial representation, decorative pergolas go even further back, to the first century B. The majority 12 out of the 19 samples are pergolas that shaded a triclinium. The equivalent of the modern parasol attached to an outdoor dining table, these ancient Roman pergolas would have provided a pleasant shade for the diners enjoying an outdoor meal.
From the mention of inns with pergolas in the written sources, we may assume that there were inns that were equipped with outdoor dining space shaded by pergolas. The explicit mention of pergolas seems to suggest that inns with pergolas as part of the property were more prized than those without pergolas. The pergola, serving as an intermediary space between the interior and the exterior, may have extended the space of the inn to the public street.
There is prohibition of building or any kind of activity that would cause damage or would invade the interests of individuals,41 but dining spaces 40 Mommsen and Krueger, The Digest of Justinian, , vol. Pomponius libro trigensimo Sabinum. Cuilibet in publicum petere permittendum est id, quod ad usum omnium pertineat, ueluti uias publicas, itinera publica: Pomponius, Sabinus, book It is open to anyone to claim for public use what belongs to the use of all, such as public roads and public ways.
English translation Alan Watson. IV, Book 43, 8, To prevent anything from being done in public places or ways Loca enim publica utique priuatorum usibus deseruiunt, iure scilicet ciuitatis, non quasi propria cuiusque, et tantum iuris habemus ad optinendum, quantum quilibet ex populo ad prohibendum habet, propter si quod forte opus in publico fiet, quod ad priuati damnum redundet, prohibitorio interdicto potest conueniri, propter quam rem hoc interdictum propositum est.
Ulpian, Edict, book Against what has been done I will grant no interdict. It seems probable that inns extended their dining spaces onto the streets in front of them. The familiar scene of dining tables occupying the street or piazza in front of the restaurants in Italian cities may even be a continuation of such an age-long tradition.
More or less a temporary, makeshift structure, the pergola may have played an interesting role in the use of public streets by food vendors and restaurateurs. As for the materials, columns would have been more expensive and affordable only to persons with resources. The wooden posts used in the dining pergola at the Caupona and the arbored passageways of the vineyards indicate owners of more modest means. In some cases wooden posts were considered temporary materials; they would have been easier to procure, faster to assemble, and less costly.
In the Garden of the Fugitives, after the original masonry columns of the pergola fell down in the earthquake of 62 A. But the number may be due mostly to the durability of the masonry couches; they would be more likely to survive than wooden posts supporting arbored passageways. Providing shade for a dining space would certainly have been a significant function of the pergola, but the arbored passageway and the decorative pergola are also important, especially in view of the later development of the pergola.
The arbored passageway is documented only in three sites, and the decorative pergola in six sites. But again this may be so because they were more likely to have been made of perishable materials, or because freestanding, light structures of a certain height would have been difficult to survive in the aftermath of the eruption.
Here we must examine more closely one of these gardens, the garden of the House of Octavius Quartio II. Francesca Tronchin has studied the painting and sculpture collection of this house, most of which were displayed in the garden area. The garden on the south side of the house is disproportionately large in comparison with the modest size of the residential quarters, occupying approximately two-thirds of the property.
It can be divided into two parts: The terrace garden, circa 20 meters long and 6. At the east end is an aedicula pedimented shrine preceded by a biclinium dining area with two masonry couches and flanked by paintings of mythological subjects left, Narcissus; right, Piramus and Thisbe. The north wall of the terrace is decorated with paintings depicting animals. A narrow canal, 1. The interior of the canal was painted blue.
Above the canal was a wooden vine pergola, supported by the house wall on the north and by eight masonry pillars on the south. Along the edge of the canal were placed a total of ten small marble sculptures including a Dionysus, a baby Hercules, a sphinx, a lion, a greyhound and a bearded river god. From the collection of statues, Zanker interprets the canal as a euripus a miniature watercourse evoking the Euripus, a canal near Alexandria in Egypt , a fashionable design element in Roman gardens of the time. As there is no table, Richardson interprets the space as a place for conversation, reading, or 43 Cf.
The appendix includes more than photographs, plans and diagrams; more than half of the photographs were newly taken by the author. I owe the reference to Rabun Taylor. The terrace garden was intended as a pinacotheca, a display space for paintings in luxury villas. The pergola in the terrace garden would have served two purposes: From the terrace garden, one descends a flight of steps into the planted garden, lower by circa 0. From the triclinium on the terrace garden, one enjoyed an axial vista of the lower planted garden, the city, and the mountains beyond, the aedicula above the nymphaeum serving as a frame for the entire view.
The long canal was interrupted by three structures along its way: As Zanker and Jashemski note, the interrupted canal resulted in a series of pools of varying size and depth, which were intended as fishponds, a well-known feature in luxury villas on the seaside. Utilitarian because the vine covering the pergolas was intended for the production of grapes; the fishponds also required at least partial shade during the day.
However, the pergolas shading the fountains were not the only ones in the planted garden. Jashemski found cavities along the long canal, which indicate that there had been arbored passageways on either side.
Moreover, parallel to the vine-covered passageways were regular rows of root cavities. The root cavities indicate that large trees would have been planted along the sidewalls of the property, while smaller trees or shrubs had been planted between them and the arbored passageways. The species of the trees has not been determined, but it is likely that they were fruit-bearing trees. Given the presence of fishponds and the vines that covered the pergolas and the passageways, the lower planted garden had a more productive character than the upper terrace garden.
The arbored passageways would have been used for promenades along the canal to enjoy the cool of the shade, and the fountains and the water basins would have provided visual and aural pleasure. At the same time they would also have been used for the inspection and maintenance of the trees and the fishponds. Fish needed to find shade and a respite from the heat of the day.
Supplementary architecture was employed to shade exposed piscinae.
Pergulae or vine arbors provided shade not only for dining areas but also for fishponds as well. I owe this reference to Rabun Taylor.