En Cuadernos Americanos, 28, pp. Legido, Juan Carlos Los papeles de los Ayerza. La puerta de la misericordia. Melville, Herman : Prego gadea, Omar El archivo de Soto. Carolin overhoff ferreira sklodowska, Elzbieta Romance Quarterly, 37, pp. De la vanguardia a la posmodernidad: Revista Iberoameri- cana, , pp. El asesino desvelado and Feria de farsantes answer to the laws of these classic novels, although both present some changes in the traditional plot.
Eva Burgos cannot be considered strictily as a detec- tive novel, but it shows some features of the genre like the misterious death. The three novels have in common the development of the theme of falseness from several points of view: Dice en una encuesta de la Gaceta de Cultura: A grandes rasgos el argumento es el siguiente. Rosa Pellicer La variante que presenta El asesino desvelado es que el culpable se convierte en investigador de otro delito: El protagonista comienza preparando su coartada antes de cometer el asesi- nato, al provocar un falso altercado en el cine Ambassador para que todos los presentes lo recuerden, a la vez que razona sobre sus motivos: Pero re- chazaba, por repugnante, la idea de matar a un desconocido.
Dice julia, su secretaria: Comenta Tito a gloria: De modo que todos los personajes son simuladores ya que, en mayor o menor grado, aparecen bajo distintas identida- des. En la segunda parte, aparecen nuevos per- sonajes: Pero usted sabe, los editores… - voy a leerla. Eva burgos da cuenta de su vida como prostituta a Carlos ochoa: El plan es simple: Eva no tiene escapatoria: El quiere separarse de su mujer.
Le estorba en los negocios. Ayer me lo ha propuesto. Las tres novelas giran alrededor de una de las iguras claves de este tipo de narrativa: En Literatura uruguaya siglo XX. Lafforgue, Jorge y Rivera Jorge b. Ensayos sobre narrati- va policial. Estudios sobre el policial argentino. Detective iction from Latin Latin America. El cine uruguayo ha tenido a lo largo del siglo XX muchos nacimientos y de- masiadas muertes prematuras. Es una narrativa audiovisual urbana con vueltas de tuerca en su estructura que pueden advertirse como propias de un nuevo lenguaje audiovi- sual del siglo XXI.
Los objetos producen imaginarios, generan un reconocimiento identitario. La generosidad de julio j. Es hombre camino, como nosotros. El espacio dedicado a la escritura femenina se ve complementado por numerosas portadas e ilustraciones que reproducen la obra temprana y madu- ra de Norah borges.
Para matei Calinescu, baudelaire plasma en su ensayo El pintor de la vida mo- derna un rasgo esencial de la modernidad: Antonio Espina, en , hablaba de adaptar la retina a las modiicaciones del mundo. Manifesto dei pittori fu- turisti y La pittura futurista Este sincretismo que adoptaron los pintores uruguayos se evidencia en el epistola- rio. No lo dude, Torres, preparo grandes cosas: Adelante, todos los que vamos adelante.
Sobre algunos temas en Baudelaire. Cinco caras de la modernidad: Literaturas europeas de vanguardia. Jauss, Hans Robert : Orientaciones en literatura comparada. Ediciones universidad Salamanca, pp. La cultura de un siglo: Las vanguardias en las revistas literarias. These texts establish a dialogue between the past, perceived as unreal, and a present without future, and they make their contribution to increase the social value of the efforts done by emigrants to leave.
Doctor en Literatu- ra por dicha universidad. Al inal de la jornada marta y jacobo se despiden desapasionadamente y se mar- chan en direcciones opuestas. El patetismo grotesco de jacobo lo inhabilita para cualquier cambio de suer- te.
Durante varios minu- tos queda como petriicado, incapaz de articular movimiento alguno. La murga dota de voz a una igura que se hallaba en cierto modo desprestigiada: Esta crisis de identidad es el caballo de batalla en las letras de numerosas can- ciones de El cuarteto…. En eso estaba de acuerdo. No quiero estar en una ciudad que se cae a pedazos, con gente fea por todas partes, con tipos frustrados y vencidos, con viejos amigos que se destruyen de a poquito.
Te estuve llamando y nada.
No es que hasta entonces hubiera sido un ingenuo. Todo estaba en su lugar. Solo se escuchan sirenas de vez en cuando Peveroni Edicio- nes Trilce, pp. Signos reales del Uruguay imaginario, montevideo: The Origins of Totalitarianism. Introduction toan Anthropology of Supermodernity.
Lo obvio y lo obtuso: Castillo durante, daniel Los vertederos de la posmodernidad. The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature and Art. En Otra navidad en las trincheras. En El tren bala. En Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature, London: Hassler, donald and Wilcox, Clyde En hassler, Donald y Wilcox, Clyde eds. South Carolina university Press: How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature and Informatics. Los 8 de momo Moraes Mena, Natalia En mato Daniel y maldonado Alejandro comp.
En hassler, Donald and Wilcox, Clyde Eds. Rebella, Juan Pablo y stoll, Pablo El in de la Modernidad. Wachovski, Andy y Larry La Dama boba, de Lope de vega. Dos autores destacados, que llegan a su madurez a partir de los 70, son Carlos manuel varela , Los cuentos del inal, ; y Ricardo Prieto , el cual ha obtenido varios premios nacionales el florencio y extranjeros el Tirso de molina con El desayuno durante la noche.
Restablecida la democracia en , uruguay ha recuperado su vitalidad te- atral. Son escasas las temporadas en que el teatro uruguayo no haya estado presen- te. Nueva Dramaturgia de Uruguay. Vargas Llosa, Mario En la primera mitad de la secuencia I queda planteado un problema familiar y social bastante trivial: El Padre ni siquiera puede disfrutar de la ropa que se compra ya que el arrendatario la destruye, pretextando que no es del gusto suyo o de Clara.
Ambos terminan por abandonar el hogar. Subraya en dos oportunidades la importancia del ritmo. Rela, Walter ed Teatro uruguayo de hoy. Teatro uruguayo, madrid, Editorial Aguilar, Con- tiene: Escenarios de dos mundos. De Juan Moreira a los independientes , montevideo, Ediciones Tauro. La escena bajo vigilancia. Teatro, dictadura y resistencia, mon- tevideo, Ediciones de la banda oriental S.
Montero zorrilla, Pablo Montevideo y sus teatros, montevideo, monte Sexto. El teatro independiente uruguayo, montevideo, Editorial Arca. Historia del teatro uruguayo: The World encyclopedia of Contemporary Theatre. La historia de la Comedia Nacional, Intenden- cia municipal de montevideo. AbsTRACT This essay constitutes an anthropological analysis of the origins, components, protago- nists and attendants of the afro-uruguayan ritual known as umbanda. In this context, the irst hand information provided by its participants assumes particular relevance for the investigation.
Entre sus obras, todas ellas publicadas en montevideo, se destacan: Agradezco muy especialmente su ayuda al Pai Armando de oxala q. Escribe, al respecto, Strauss: Son dichos signiicados los que vinculan al grupo de creyentes con la alteridad. A contramano de las interpretaciones exclusivamente culturalistas del ritual, k. Es el caso del misticismo o de los cultos de Apolo vermant, En esa apariencia de ausencia, baudrillard anota la frialdad y el hieratismo ritual como caracteres distintivos. Sin templos, y con ceremonial sencillo a campo abierto bastide Esta fuerza vital puede concentrarse en puntos esenciales o nudos vitales: Pero todas las partes del cuerpo la poseen Existen inclusive acumula- dores de fuerza: Este intercambio supone un compromiso inscripto en el orden social: Los muertos son los verdaderos jefes, custodios de las costumbres: En ambos casos un tono de magicismo, viabilizado por talismanes, piedras y collares, acerca esta religiosidad a cierto grado de pragmatismo operativo.
De esta manera, en esta etapa el giro se efec- 5 Entrevistas mantenidas con la mae Chiquita de oxum Chiquita Aguilar en , y Tiene que empezar a pedir, a vivir, a pedir, a su forma, a su manera, Se necesitan unos diez o veinte minutos de ese silencio, de esa paz, de esa tranquilidad, en la cual el jefe habla, sesiona, dice unas oraciones. La mirada se transforma completa- mente. Ello implica la constancia de que su identidad ha sido plenamente asumida. Es entonces cuando las personas que asisten a la ceremonia pasan, de una en una, a pedir ayuda espiritual o consejo a los mediums.
Declara la mae Chiquita: Entonces hay que hablarle, hay que decirle: Dice Roxana de beira mar: Porque una cosa era atender a los Pae, cantar, todo aquello, pero otra cosa era entrar en trance. El hombre vivo se construye vivo con la ayuda de hombres muertos. Teresa Porzceanski De nuestros datos surge que un jefe de Templo no congrega usualmente una cantidad de personas mayor que ciento cincuenta en el mejor de los casos, sien- do una cantidad habitual de sesenta a ochenta ieles. New york, Doubleday Anchor book. New york, Routledge and kegan. El mito del Eterno Retorno.
Tratado de historia de las religiones. Rio de janeiro, forense universitaria. Teresa Porzceanski strauss, Anselm L. Altered States of Awareness: Readings from Scientiic American. Os Vivos e a Morte: Rio de janeiro, zahar. Those were years of euphoria and crisis characterized by an intense literary experimentalism in formal terms and a clear political engagement that overcame the traditional schemes of uruguayan literature.
En la actualidad reside entre zaragoza y oliete Teruel , consagrado a la escritura y a diversas actividades editoriales y docentes. Pero insistamos en nuestra interrogante. Ensayos y novelas empiezan a relejar un uruguay que se vive como problema. Lo que felizmente le faltaba al Uruguay Al uruguay, en realidad, le faltaban y siguen faltando muchas cosas. El uruguay, felizmente, no tiene territorio: Sentimientos que estallan sin cortapisas en la escritura feme- nina ulterior. El 5 de octubre de , en un confuso episodio entre grupos gremiales estudiantiles -la fEuu y el movimiento Estudiantil para la Defensa de Libertad-, se produce un enfrentamiento armado.
El Uruguay y su gente. Con las primeras luces. Distinciones, homenajes y entrevistas Mario Benedetti: Seguro que benedetti es una edad. Siempre joven, permanente y renovadamen- te joven. Su obra se encuentra suspendida entre una doble perspectiva: Contemporary uruguayan authors write their novels and short stories, building up a literary space, right in between realism and fantasy. The most insigniicant images of a typical boring day become a poetic world in his stories.
The present conversation with the author moves between the literature and the history, the culture and the myths of the uruguay of the last ifty years. KEy WORds uruguay, contemporary literature, poetic of the space, fantasy, ictional geography, hugo burel. Existe sin duda un Faust uruguayo: Ahora esa mirada ya no existe, se ha perdido. No llega a lograr- lo: Sus playas, sus casas de pescadores, sus escasos habitantes, su hotel, sus visitantes fuera de temporada: Inserto ese espacio en la novela o en otros textos y siento que es un espa- cio de mi propiedad.
Es una secuencialidad voluntaria: El relato se construye para que el lector participe en la historia: Es el triunfo de la indiferencia. Ese lugar que describo en el El quinto piso es ese mismo hotel. El protagonista, gracias al ascensor —pero de una manera que no se explica— acce- de a un piso inexistente. El protagonista se olvida el instrumento en la iesta y lo menciona a lo largo del relato. Es evidente que hay cosas que no coinciden.
Con mis personajes pasa lo mismo: Es la misma perspectiva que muestra Leonardo Ricagni en Adios Momo, rodado en el barrio Sur de montevideo, que se parece a La habana. Sus fantasmas personales les impiden asumir lo que tienen y lo que ven: Es el caso, por ejemplo, de El cor- redor nocturno, cuyo escenario principal es la rambla de Pocitos. El protagonista tiene un buen trabajo y vive en un departamento amplio, con vista a la playa.
En la novela aparecen personajes que viven bien, que tienen todo, que frecuentan lugares agradables, en un paisaje codiciado. Las luces de las tiendas rele- jan una multitud de posibles montevideos: Del aire seco hago ahora riguroso calendario que observo con cuidado aunque el cierzo lo desmienta de tanto en tanto. La memoria de un torrente desbordado otras veces la humedad es lo que queda, un resto, la memoria de un temporal o un torrente desbordado, la resaca barrosa y pertinaz de una crecida, los recuerdos que impregnan los muros marcados por los grafiti de un cielo encaprichado.
II paso de frontera entre dos territorios vecinos, huella: Latif cuerpos sutiles el alto palacio en el estanque junto a las nubes que pasan como peces agua en la que desde antiguo todo se ve: La estrella dorada en el pecho de la camisa oscura. El barbero estaba durmiendo en el segundo piso. Con la navaja de afeitar. Ahora le tocaba al sheriff. Roncaba por la nariz, hinchaba el pecho. Los ojos como huevos. Estaban apretadas en un murmullo verde. En una iesta alguien se iba a emborrachar con mi presentimiento. La camiseta es sencilla y obscena como todo lo de esas momias estridentes. Doctor en Literatura hispanoamericana por la Northwestern university, dirige www.
DISIDENCIAS SOBRE LA DEIDAD, Y SU SOLUCIÓN (Spanish Edition) eBook: Antolín Diestre Gil: uzotoqadoh.tk: Kindle Store. Ciencia, no ciencia y conciencia: (Una respuesta al gran diseño de Hawking, DISIDENCIAS SOBRE LA DEIDAD, Y SU SOLUCIÓN (Spanish Edition).
El famoso tren elevado de Chicago tiene una terminal con plataforma morro- cotuda. After initial hesitation at the beginning of the uprising, the MB has brought since Jan. Both leaders rushed to Tahrir Square after midnight leading over five thousand MB members to break the siege. Under gunfire, she helped save hundreds of lives using a makeshift hospital in a Cairo mosque during the violent attacks of the security forces and the outlaws sponsored by the ruling party.
It is a mosque but there are no religious divisions. A test of two wills Since the inception of the popular revolution on Jan. The first phase was the customary use of security crackdown and utilization of police brutality, which yielded over three hundred people killed and five thousand injured. A list of the people killed by the regime since Jan. It shows that over seventy per cent of those killed were under the age of 32, including children as young as ten, with female casualties constituting about ten percent of the total.
During this stage, the regime cut off all Internet, mobile phone, and instant messaging services in a frantic attempt to disrupt communications and information exchange between the organizers of the revolution. But the genie was already out of the bottle. When that failed miserably, and in a desperate attempt to end the uprising, the regime created a state of chaos by withdrawing the police and security forces from the streets including from neighborhood police stations, while releasing thousands of criminals from prisons around the country hoping to spread terror and fear as a substitute to stability and order as the beleaguered president warned in his first address.
The formation of popular committees to protect the neighborhoods coupled with the arrest of the thugs roaming the streets was able to defeat this deplorable scheme. The thugs that were arrested by these committees were handed over to army units deployed throughout the country. The next stage was a tactical retreat by the government, occurring as the embattled president tried to deflect the popular call for his immediate resignation. Four days after the commencement of the uprising and the subsequent crackdown, he gave an address dismissing his cabinet; mainly sacking his Interior minister as well as other corrupt businessmen who were doubling as ministers of major industrial sectors of the economy.
He appointed his old Air Force colleague, Gen. Ahmad Shafiq, as the new Prime Minister while still incredibly retaining eighteen ministers in the cabinet. He also appointed his long-serving intelligence chief, Gen. In their eyes, he had lost his legitimacy when the first protester was shot dead on Jan.
Within days, the regime offered many sacrificial lambs in the hope that public anger would subside. All senior leaders, including his son Gamal, were purged. Many corrupt businessmen, who were considered influential party members just before the revolution, were now under investigation by the state prosecutor and prohibited from travel. A few were put under house arrest. Still the angry public was not satisfied, continuing to call on Mubarak to leave. Moreover, throughout the popular protests the regime used all means to taint the main organizers of the revolution. First, they claimed that the protesters were members of the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.
This claim while parroted by American Islamophobes and right-wing media, was never taken seriously in Egypt. It was clear to all that the main organizers did not belong to any political party or ideology. Then the state media repeated the claims that the organizers were agents of foreign powers, financed and manipulated by a foreign hidden agenda. The accusers could not make up their mind.
In one instance, state media falsely claimed to have obtained seven Wikileaks documents that showed a conspiracy between Qatar read Al-Jazeera , the U. Najat Abdul-Rahman, a journalist in a state-owned magazine called 24 Hours, admitted to her boss that she was pressured by the regime to call a pro-government TV station and falsely claim to be one of the organizers of the protests. She then claimed on air that she and other fellow organizers were trained in the U.
Although she tried to change her appearance and mask her voice while on camera, her colleagues at the magazine were able to identify her and reveal her identity. She has been suspended without pay pending an investigation. The regime then turned its fury against the media. It stripped the broadcasting license of Al-Jazeera and withdrew the accreditation of all its correspondents. And it is unacceptable under any circumstances. With intense international pressure mounting, Mubarak gave a second address in which he promised not to seek re-election for a sixth six-year term this September, but nonetheless he refused to bow out and resign.
Throughout the crisis, he tried to portray a false image of being confidant and in charge. But clearly the ego of this dictator was bruised as he was denounced daily by millions of his people. By the end of the first week, it was clear that the stubborn president would not listen to anyone. He was able to at least secure the neutrality of the army, which was not prepared to turn against the people.
But it was still loyal to its long-serving commander-in-chief, and would not depose him. But everyone knew that without the participation of the youth movement or the MB, any dialogue with the regime would be meaningless. It was a classic trap. More than forty opposition members entered a room where a huge portrait of Mubarak hung on the wall, a slap across the face of millions of Egyptians who were chanting for his ouster in the past ten days. It was clear that Suleiman was in charge of the meeting as he chaired the session and dictated the agenda. The groups were guests in his house.
Not a great start. At any rate, the regime did not give an inch. It is not clear why the MB participated, but most observers believe that the group sought legitimacy after being outlawed since It is ironic that the group would seek legitimacy from a regime that has just been de-legitimized by its people. It did not promise the immediate lifting of the emergency law. It seems that for a perceived short-term gain, the MB was looking weak and confused. They declared that they were neither party to any agreement nor willing to consider any proposals until Mubarak is removed.
For the previous twelve days they have been able to mobilize over ten million Egyptians in the streets, why should they compromise on their first demand? The will of the people shall be respected, and must defeat the stubbornness of Mubarak and his regime, they declared. After fifteen days the crowds have been sharply on the rise all over the country. Daily they number in the millions from all walks of life. Revolution legitimacy trumps an archaic constitution For a day, the declared results of the so-called dialogue by the regime created breathing space for the feeble regime to recover.
A question that that would pose is whether Egypt today is prepared to have a competitive, open election. Since the uprising began, Mubarak has been hiding behind the new face of the regime, Gen. Newly released Wikileaks documents reveal that Suleiman has been a long-standing favorite by the U. In another cable, Tel Aviv diplomats added: Suleiman wanted Hamas isolated, and thought Gaza should go hungry but not starve.
They asked rhetorically how could they trust a Vice President whose loyalty is to a discredited and illegitimate president. Thus they firmly rejected not only Suleiman and his parameters for a way forward, but also the premise that any real change would come from adhering to a constitution that has been shredded many time by an illegitimate regime. They advocated a position that called for the legitimacy of the revolution over any outdated constitutional legitimacy.
The youth leaders maintain that all institutions of state power, except the army, which on the surface declared its neutrality, have lost their legitimacy in lieu of the will of the people to support the revolution. Therefore, all efforts by the regime to re-constitute itself through promised reforms to maintain its grip on power are illegitimate and rejected. This is a popular revolution not a protest, they maintained. As the government attempts to weather the storm and deal with Tahrir Square as a Hyde Park phenomenon, a place where people vent their frustrations, the leadership of the revolution has devised new tactics to force the regime to accept their demands.
They have called for massive demonstrations not only in public squares but also called for similar protests around strategic governmental buildings. For example, on Feb. They also blocked the parliament, preventing any member from going in or out. They vowed that soon the presidential palace would be surrounded. The protesters were also joined this week with professional syndicates and labor unions. Hundreds of judges stood in Tahrir Square on Tuesday wearing their judicial robes in support of the revolution. Similarly, hundreds of journalists chased away the pro-government head of their union declaring the union independent and free.
Likewise, hundreds of university professors from colleges across Egypt showed up at Tahrir Square declaring their full support for the goals of the revolution. Next week schools and universities will be back from the Spring break. The organizers plan to call on hundreds of thousands of students to participate in the demonstrations that could paralyze the whole education system. Meanwhile, they have also reached out to labor unions calling for massive strikes across the nation, especially in state factories and public industries. Slowly but surely selected major industries such as transportation, oil, or navigation through the Suez Canal could also be severely hindered.
Sports activities have already ceased. The film industry has stopped all productions. There is no end to what activities the revolutionaries could advocate or call for. The initiatives are in their hands. They believe that they have the legitimacy and the support of the people. In short, the revolution has adapted to the maneuvering of the regime and has adopted a comprehensive program of activities that are creative and extensive.
With the passing of each week more Egyptians are joining the revolution. A culture of freedom and empowerment is on the rise. Meanwhile, the international community could speed up the inevitable, which is the collapse of the corrupt and repressive regime. Most of this wealth is believed to be in the U. In short, Western governments have access to ill-gotten money that belong to the Egyptian people. They can start investigations to determine the legality of these assets.
Similarly, they can encourage Mr. Mubarak to go to Germany for his annual extended medical check-up, after which he could render his resignation. The people of Egypt would not forget who stood with them during their revolution, who stood against them, and who was on the sideline. I expect only one outcome - protests will continue until Mubarak steps down from power. Esam Al-Amin can be reached at alamin gmail. Other CIA-paid men were brought weeks later, on August 19, into Tehran in buses and trucks to take over the streets, topple the democratically elected Iranian government, and restore Shah Reza Pahlavi to his thrown.
It took the people of Iran 26 years, enormous sacrifices, and a popular revolution to overthrow the imposed, corrupt and repressive rule of the Shah. This lesson was not lost on the minds of a small clique of officials who were meeting in desperation in the afternoon of Monday, Jan.
According to several sources including former intelligence officer Col. Omar Afifi, one of these officials was the new Interior minister, Police Gen. Mahmoud Wagdy, who as the former head of the prison system, is also a torture expert. He asked Hosni Mubarak, the embattled president to give him a week to take care of the demonstrators who have been occupying major squares around the country for about a week.
Not only he had to rapidly reconstitute his security forces, which were dispersed and dejected in the aftermath of the massive demonstrations engulfing the country, but he also had to come up with a quick plan to prevent the total collapse of the regime. The meeting included many security officials including Brig. By the end of the meeting each was given certain tasks to regain the initiative from the street; to end or neutralize the revolution; and to defuse the most serious crisis the regime has ever faced in an effort to ease the tremendous domestic and international pressures being exerted on their president.
They knew that eyes around the world would be focused on the massive demonstrations called for by the youth leading the popular revolution while promising million-strong marches on Tuesday, Feb. True to their promise the pro-democracy groups drew a remarkable eight million people ten percent of the population throughout Egypt on that day. People from every age, class, and walk of life assembled and marched in every province and city by the hundreds of thousands: It was an impressive show of strength.
This time, they demanded not only the immediate removal of Mubarak but also the ouster of the whole regime. An evil plan devised As the fierce determination of the Egyptian people to remove their autocratic president became apparent, governments around the world began pressuring Mubarak to step down and be replaced by his newly appointed Vice President, the former head of intelligence, Gen. President Barak Obama, for example, dispatched over the last weekend former U. Ambassador, Frank Wisner, a close friend to Mubarak to deliver such warning. Wisner indeed delivered a firm but subtle message to Mubarak that he ought to announce that neither he nor his son would be presidential candidates later this year.
He also urged him to transfer his powers to Suleiman. Western governments have been alarmed by the deterioration of the situation in Egypt and were trying to give their preferred candidate, Gen. Suleiman, the upper hand before events favor another candidate that might be less amenable to Israel and the West, and therefore shift the strategic balance of powers in the region. However, Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, whom the president consulted, strenuously objected and pleaded for time to allow Mubarak to stay in power at least until he finishes his term in September.
Meanwhile, the last touches of a crude plan to abort the protests and attack the demonstrators were being finalized in the Interior Ministry. Each businessman pledged to recruit as many people from their businesses and industries as well as mobsters and hoodlums known as Baltagies — people who are paid to fight and cause chaos and terror. Abu el-Enein and Kamel pledged to finance the whole operation. Meanwhile,the Interior Minister reconstituted some of the most notorious officers of his secret police to join the counter-revolutionary demonstrators slated for Wednesday, with a specific plan of attack the pro-democracy protesters.
About a dozen security officers, who were to supervise the plan in the field, also recruited former dangerous ex-prisoners who escaped the prison last Saturday, promising them money and presidential pardons against their convictions. By Tuesday evening, Mubarak gave a speech in response to the massive demonstrations of the day. He pledged not to seek a sixth term, while attacking the demonstrators and accusing them of being infiltrated, in an indirect reference to the Muslim Brotherhood. Nevertheless, he pledged to complete his term and that he would not leave under pressure.
Although he pledged not to run, he was silent about whether or not his son would be a candidate. Leaders of the pro-democracy demonstrators immediately rejected his characterization and insisted that he leave power. John Kerry, the Chairman of the Senate Relations Committee, called publicly on President Mubarak two days earlier to disavow any plans for his son to seek the presidency, the Egyptian president ignored his call.
However, a former senior intelligence aide, Mahmoud Ali Sabra, who used to present daily briefs to Mubarak for 18 years , said publicly on Al-Jazeera that Mubarak has indeed been grooming his son to become president since at least Although Jamal had no official title in the government, Sabra stated that Mubarak asked him to present these daily intelligence reports to no one in the government except to him and his son.
Sabra also described how Mubarak was disturbed after the first stage of the Parliamentary elections, when the Muslim Brotherhood won a majority of seats. He then ordered his Interior Minister to manipulate the elections in the subsequent stages and forge the results in order to put NDP on top. Tahrir or Liberation Square has been the center of action in Cairo throughout the protests. Eight separate entrances lead to it including the ones from the American Embassy and the famous Egyptian museum.
Around 2 PM on Wednesday Feb. Over three thousand baltagies attacked from two entrances with thousands of rocks and stones thrown at the tens of thousands of peaceful demonstrators gathered in the square, while most attackers had shields to defend themselves against the returning rocks. While a few were armed with guns, all baltagies were armed with clubs, machetes, razors, knives or other sharp objects. After about an hour of throwing stones, the second stage of the attacks proceeded as dozens of horses and camels came charging at the demonstrators in a scene reminiscent of the battles of the middle ages.
The pro-democracy people fought back by their bare hands, knocking them from their rides and throwing their bodies at them. They subsequently apprehended over three hundred and fifty baltagies, turning them over to nearby army units. They confiscated their IDs which showed that most assailants were either NDP members or from the secret police. The third stage of the attack came about three hours later when dozens of assailants climbed the roofs in nearby buildings and threw hundreds of Molotov cocktails at the pro-democracy protesters below, who immediately rushed to extinguish the fires.
They eventually had to put out two fires at the Egyptian museum as well. By midnight the thugs started using tear gas and live bullets from a bridge above the protesters killing five people and injuring over three dozens, ten seriously. By morning, the Tahrir Square resembled a battleground with at least 10 persons killed and over 2, injured people, of which required transport to nearby hospitals as admitted by the Health ministry.
Most of the injured suffered face and head wounds including concussions, burns and cuts because of the use of rocks, iron bars, shanks, razors, and Molotov cocktails. Al-Jazeera TV and many other TV networks around the world were broadcasting these assaults live to the bewilderment of billions of people worldwide. Before the attacks started that afternoon, the Minister of Information had also executed his part of the plan. He called on all ministry employees to demonstrate on behalf of Mubarak in an upscale neighborhood in Cairo. He then asked the Egyptian state TV to broadcast live- for the first time in nine days of continuous demonstrations- the ensuing confrontation between the protesters and the government-sponsored thugs, in order to show the Egyptian people what chaos would bring to the country as Mubarak had warned them in his address just the previous night.
The battle plan was for the baltagies to block seven entrances of the Tahrir Square, leaving only the American Embassy entrance open for the thugs to push back the demonstrators in order for them to come so close to the Embassy that its guards surrounding it would have to shoot at them and thus instigate a confrontation with the Americans. But the heroic steadfastness of the demonstrators lead by the youth was phenomenal as they not only withstood their ground but also chased them away every time they were pushed.
By the next morning the assault fizzled and the whole world condemned the Mubarak regime for such wickedness, cruelty, and total disregard of human life.
S, the European Union, the U. On the other hand, by daybreak, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians joined their fellow pro-democracy activists in order to show support and solidarity. In an attempt to contain the damage about what happened in Tahrir Square on Wednesday, Prime Minister Ahmad Shafiq offered his apology to the people. He then pleaded for time to implement political reforms. He also appealed to the nation to allow President Mubarak to complete his term until the upcoming presidential elections in September. He further called for dialogue with all opposition parties. He insisted on the main demand of removing Mubarak from power before any negotiations could take place.
All other opposition groups, including the popular Muslim Brotherhood, followed suit. Meanwhile, the regime in a last-ditch effort to limit the effect of the demonstrations have asked all foreign journalists to leave the country before D-Day Departure Day , and dismantled all cameras from Tahrir Square. There is not a single network in Cairo today that can broadcast the event live. Clearly, this last ploy was designed to intimidate the demonstrators who insisted that they would not cowed.
The Obama administration is evidently very frustrated with Mubarak because of his stubbornness and obliviousness to reality. S, which has been supporting and subsidizing the Egyptian regime for three decades, expected that its beleaguered ally would listen to its advice, limit the damage, pack up and leave. But his performance and ruthless behavior have endangered its other allies in the region, and caused long-term damage to its strategic interests, namely, Israel, stability, oil, and military bases. Egypt was one of the most important countries and allies to the U.
It was a cornerstone in its strategic equation. In turn this change might cause a major re-assessment of the long-term American strategy in the region, especially in regard to policies related to Israel and counter-terrorism. Thus, Vice President Suleiman is considered by the U. Thus, the more Mubarak maneuvered to stay in power, the less likely this prospect would be realized. Ambassador Wisner, who has been in Egypt since Saturday, was asked to deliver to Mubarak an ultimatum from Obama. Mubarak would be told that he should resign and transfer his presidential powers to his vice president.
If he refuses, the army would then remove him anyway, while Western governments would go after the billions in American and European assets that he and his sons have hoarded over the years. He would also be told that he would face a certain indictment by the International Criminal Court on War Crimes against his people. Surely, Mubarak would be expected to choose the first option and leave either to Germany under a medical pretext, or join his two sons in London.
As Omar Suleiman is promoted to become the new President of Egypt, this appointment will be hailed by Western governments and media as a great victory by the pro-democracy forces and as the expression of the will of the Egyptian people. Political and economic reforms will then be promised to the people, in an effort that allows great leeway in internal reforms but keep foreign policy intact. However, this move will undoubtedly divide the country. The leaders of the revolution, namely the youth, who have led the demonstrations for the past two weeks and sacrificed blood for it, would continue to press for total and clean break from the previous regime.
They will also be supported by popular and grass-roots movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood. The Egyptian public will likely be split as well. With the monopoly of the government over the state media and other means of government information control, the new regime may bet on getting a slack from the public while it consolidates its power.
Alternatively, the youth movement, which started its march towards freedom and democracy using social media and independent means of communications, while spearheading the most robust and forceful democracy movement in the whole region, may actually have the last word. El Tatic de Chiapas: En sus pastizales prolifera el ganado. Recordemos que desde hace muchos siglos, Chiapas fue escenario de un gran desarrollo cultural. Pienso que don Samuel, al que los tzotziles y otros llamaban ya tatic, padre, hizo suyos dos principios claves que normaron su actuar.
Al difundirse la noticia de su fallecimiento las reacciones de inmediato se dejaron sentir. In her spare time, she and two of her colleagues created the Facebook page. Within days of posting it, over 70, people supported their call. After the security forces cracked down against the huge riots in al-Mahalla on April 6, Abd el-Fattah was arrested. What was odd about this arrest was that although thousands of people have been arrested over the past three decades, it was the first time that a warrant was issued against a female under the notorious emergency laws imposed in the country since To get out of prison she had to apologize and express regret for her actions.
But the experience made her more determined than ever to be politically active. For the next two and a half years it maintained its presence and created one of the most popular political forums on several social networking sites such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Flickr. When the president of Tunisia, Zein al-Abideen Ben Ali, was deposed on January 14, following a four week popular uprising, the April 6 movement, like millions of youth across the Arab World, was inspired, energized, and called for action. Changing of the Guard: Within a few days they called on all social media sites for massive protests and an uprising against the Mubarak regime.
They called for marches to start from all major squares, mosques and churches in Cairo and Alexandria while asking others to help plan in other Egyptian cities. They insisted that the protests would be peaceful and that no one should bring weapons of any type. They had four demands: Within a few days, over ninety thousand youth signed up and charted a comprehensive protest throughout Egypt. Initially, neither the government nor the opposition took them seriously.
Mohammad Elbaradei, who has been criticizing the regime for over a year, was abroad due to his frequent speaking engagements. In a show of force, the government assembled over two hundred thousand of its security forces surrounding the protesters throughout the country. On the other hand, hundreds of thousands of protesters marched representing broad cross sections of society, men and women, young and old, educated and illiterate, and declared that their demonstrations were peaceful but that they were determined to press their demands. When they could not control the crowds the police beat back the protesters using water canons, tear gas and rubber bullets.
By the end of the day there were over a dozen casualties and hundreds of injuries. This not only outraged the demonstrators, but also ignited the whole country. Most of the protesters refused to go home and escalated the confrontation declaring an open demonstration in Liberation Square in downtown Cairo and throughout the country. The curfews for the following days kept getting longer until the government called for a general curfew from 3 PM to 8 AM.
But each time the people simply ignored it and increased their demands, calling for total regime change and the ouster of Mubarak. The next round of protests included participation by all opposition groups, the largest of which was the Muslim Brotherhood MB. Immediately hundreds of their leaders were rounded up and detained. As millions of people across Egypt took to the street, all , security forces and police were mobilized, advancing on the protesters and turning Egyptian streets and neighborhoods into battlegrounds.
By the end of the day dozens more were killed and thousands injured. Afterwards, security forces evacuated from all the cities. Chaos and confusion ensued. Police stations and buildings belonging to the ruling party were torched. The secret police opened all police stations and prisons releasing all criminals in a scorched-earth attempt to spread fear and chaos. The regime hoped to regain the upper hand by proving its worth to the people as their source of security. By the following day he appointed two generals, his chief of intelligence, Gen. Omar Suleiman as his first ever vice president and Gen.
Ahmad Shafiq as prime minister. By Monday the new cabinet was sworn in, retaining 18 of the previous ministers, including those occupying the important posts of defense, foreign, communications, justice, and oil. The only major change was the sacking of the interior minister, appointing another general in his place.
Not a single opposition party was consulted, let alone appointed.